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The 6 most urgent policy questions we have for America’s governors

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Governors are scrambling to figure out the most effective way to respond to the seismic changes unleashed in the opening weeks of the Trump administration.

The basic calculus is clear: Democrats are searching for ways to thwart the White House’s most sweeping actions, while Republicans are desperate to show they’re fully on board with the MAGA agenda.

But beneath that crude dynamic, the deliberations happening in state capitals are far more nuanced and politically fraught.

Democrats are wary of simply mounting a scorched-earth resistance to President Donald Trump’s policies given the GOP’s sweeping victories on Election Day. That’s especially true on immigration, where the president’s hard-line tactics have resonated even with voters in deep blue swaths of the country.

Republicans, meanwhile, must navigate their own political tightrope in responding to the administration’s efforts to slash federal spending. That’s particularly tricky with regards to the massive packages enacted during the Biden administration that Trump has vowed to unwind — but that have disproportionately benefited red states.

These calculations are shifting on a daily basis — with legal fights creating even more uncertainty — as state executives face the toughest budget conditions since before the pandemic led to huge pots of federal cash swelling state coffers. Governors’ ability to traverse this choppy terrain will play a big role in determining which of them emerge as national political figures heading into 2028.

As the relationship between the federal government and state capitals gets upended, Blue Light News on Thursday is convening six state leaders for its 2025 Governors Summit, a series of one-on-one interviews on the sidelines of the National Governors Association meeting in Washington.

The gathering will feature some of the country’s most influential state executives answering questions from some of Blue Light News’s top reporters and editors. The lineup includes Democrats Jared Polis of Colorado and Andy Beshear of Kentucky, and Republican Kevin Stitt of Oklahoma. The program starts at 8 a.m. EST.

To frame those conversations, we’ve assembled a list of the most urgent political and policy questions governors — and, by extension, the country — face in 2025.

1. How should Democratic governors, with an eye on 2028, work with Trump — or not?

It’s a raging debate among Democrats in Washington and across the country: how much to cooperate with Trump — and how much to resist?

For a party still sorting through the wreckage of its 2024 losses, it’s still an open question. But for Democratic governors, many of whom have an eye on 2028, it’s an even more urgent political balancing act. They’re under pressure from the party’s progressive base to resist Trump at every turn, while also offering a positive vision for the future that’s not centered exclusively on attacking the president.

At the same time, these Democratic governors must find ways to work with Trump when it comes to federal spending, especially after natural disasters. Look no further than California Gov. Gavin Newsom greeting Trump on the tarmac after the devastating Los Angeles wildfires last month.

Trump talks with California Gov. Gavin Newsom after arriving at Los Angeles International Airport on Jan. 24, 2025.

So, how do they walk that political tightrope?

This isn’t limited to the Democratic governors. Both parties are facing open presidential primaries in 2028, so GOP governors may be looking for their own ways of standing out. Right now, however, there’s little evidence that Republicans want to put distance between themselves and Trump. For example, Georgia Gov. Brian Kemp recently told Blue Light News that the government “can stand a little right-sizing,” when asked about 1,300 Centers for Disease Control and Prevention employees, based in Atlanta, who were fired.

But how long does that line hold? (Elena Schneider)

2. What role, if any, do governors have to play in navigating a new era of trade war?

Trump’s tariff threats and protectionist ideology have pushed some of America’s closest trading relationships to the brink — and disrupted state economies in the process. Trump’s crackdown on trade with Canada, alone, has cast a shadow over the states: Michigan leaders fear layoffs in the auto sector, New York’s power supply could be imperiled, and Beshear of Kentucky has warned that Canadian retaliation could damage the liquor industry.

So, what is the responsibility of a governor in this moment? How much can a state leader work around Trump’s trade policies — or brace their state’s economy for impact? Should governors be building bridges to foreign countries, even at the cost of undermining federal policy? Or appealing directly to the White House for help, even at the risk of angering Trump or crossing their own party?

During the first Trump administration, governors in both parties stepped up their international travel and economic development efforts, effectively launching a new, sub-federal form of diplomacy aimed at offsetting protectionism in the White House. But Trump is moving faster and more aggressively with his policies this time, with the confidence of a more emphatic electoral mandate. Can governors keep up? (Alex Burns)

3. How should governors navigate abortion issues that stretch across state lines?

The fall of Roe v. Wade was supposed to send abortion back to the states. But more than two years later, so many cross-border conflicts are flaring up that assertions from the Supreme Court’s conservative majority and Trump that each state should be allowed to decide its own policies are being strained to the breaking point.

Louisiana and Texas are attempting to prosecute a New York doctor for prescribing abortion pills via telemedicine to patients in those states. Idaho and Tennessee have vowed to go after anyone who assists a minor in obtaining an abortion out-of-state. Idaho, Kansas and Missouri are also arguing in a Texas court that federal rules allowing abortion pills to be prescribed online and shipped by mail violate their sovereignty. And Alabama medical groups and activists are locked in a legal battle with their attorney general over what information, if any, they can provide to patients about terminating a pregnancy outside the state.

The nation has been a patchwork for abortion access for decades, but those divisions are only getting deeper, and neither side in the abortion war is satisfied with the current situation.

How much federalism and state-level experimentation should be allowed in the abortion space, and what baseline protections should be guaranteed nationwide by Washington? How concerned are governors that policies restricting the movement of people or medications across state lines could have repercussions beyond abortion? With the Trump administration rolling back its enforcement of the FACE Act, the 1994 federal law criminalizing the obstruction of abortion clinics, will governors push for state-level protections? (Alice Miranda Ollstein)

4. How will states cooperate with — or attempt to thwart — Trump’s immigration policies?

Failure to pass sweeping immigration changes in polarized Washington has led to state governments taking up their own policies. Blue state governors, including New York’s Kathy Hochul, face federal lawsuits over allowing undocumented immigrants to receive driver’s licenses, while red state governors dispatched National Guard troops to the southern border during the Biden administration.

But Trump’s November victory and subsequent push to carry out an aggressive deportation policy has scrambled traditional alliances.

Stitt, the Oklahoma Republican, blocked his state’s top education official from collecting the immigration status of public school children. Democrats, including Hochul and Polis of Colorado, are supportive of deporting undocumented immigrants who commit violent crimes.

And the Trump Justice Department’s decision to drop New York City Mayor Eric Adams’ corruption case, as he aligns himself with the administration’s immigration czar, has intensified calls from fellow Democrats for him to step down. The Adams saga highlights the extraordinary steps Trump is willing to take to push local and state governments to enact his immigration plans.

Blue state governors, including New York’s Kathy Hochul, face federal lawsuits over allowing undocumented immigrants to receive driver’s licenses.

What resources are governors willing to provide Trump to potentially deport millions of people? What will be the impact on state economies and employment? How will crucial, Republican-leaning sectors like agriculture absorb the loss of workers? (Nick Reisman)

5. As Trump downsizes Washington, do Republican governors have a line he can’t cross?

Trump’s slashing of the federal government at the hand of Elon Musk and his Department of Government Efficiency is bound to have immediate trickle-down effects on the states, which heavily rely on federal funding to keep the lights on and federal employees to provide critical services and expertise.

State and federal government functions are so closely entwined that a shuttering of federal agencies stands to transform the daily lives of Americans, from where they go to school to what food gets put on the table.

The Trump administration has already laid off thousands of federal workers across agencies, from the Education Department to the Forest Service to the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention. The cuts are expected to escalate in coming weeks and months as Musk and his allies work with surgical precision to downsize government.

Trump’s slashing of the federal government at the hand of Elon Musk and DOGE is bound to have immediate trickle-down effects on the states.

Therefore, the question for GOP governors, whose enthusiasm for DOGE’s mission has prompted some to create their own copycats, is: Can DOGE go too far? What would it take for them to stand up for their state’s economic interests and demand that DOGE back off? For Democratic governors, in the absence of congressional pushback to Musk, how do they intend to fight a dramatic reshaping of Washington?

6. What role should governors play at the dawn of artificial intelligence in state government?

Lawmakers have spent the last few years trying to understand the revolutionary implications of artificial intelligence systems while developing guidance on state government use. They still have a long way to go.

What they’ve discovered so far is that there is great promise, many risks and no easy answers. While AI has the potential to transform government operations across the state agency spectrum, the perils are equally eye-opening. For all the efficiencies to be gained in the delivery of services — in critical areas such as education, health care, law enforcement and transportation — there is also the prospect of privacy violations and the inadvertent incorporation of bias or discrimination into algorithms. Recent elections, which have been buffeted by deceptive, AI-generated content, are already offering many officeholders an all-too-personal glimpse into some of the darker applications of artificial intelligence.

What role should governors play in this pivotal moment — the dawn of artificial intelligence in state government? What responsibility do they have to ensure ethical principles are being developed and ethical practices are being followed? How can governors ensure that the government datasets powering this revolution are reliable and unbiased? What steps are being taken to guard against unforeseen consequences?

All of these considerations must be balanced against current fiscal and budgetary constraints, especially the Trump administration’s efforts to slash federal spending. But what price do you put on the potential leap forward in government efficiency, or on the vast opportunities for economic development that will flow from the adoption of AI technologies?

Decisions made today will echo for decades to come. (Charlie Mahtesian)

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Albany reels in ICE

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Gov. Kathy Hochul and state lawmakers passed measures to limit federal immigration enforcement operations in New York.

DAYS THE BUDGET IS LATE: 51

CROWD CONTROL: State Democrats are aligned on reining in ICE — but there’s sharp disagreements over whether the measures will meaningfully impact the NYPD.

Gov. Kathy Hochul and state lawmakers passed a package of measures this afternoon that seek to curtail federal immigration enforcement agents’ operations in New York.

“Tom Homan can shove it,” Brooklyn state Sen. Andrew Gounardes said at a press conference this morning, referring to the Trump administration’s border czar.

The package aims to restrict the ability of police departments like the NYPD to control crowds while federal officers conduct immigration enforcement actions.

“If ICE or DHS ask a local police department to facilitate their operations — lock down the street, clear out traffic, cordon off an area, put up, ‘do not cross signs,’… those types of actions would no longer be allowed,” Gounardes said of the immigration package.

Also in the agreement: banning masks for federal and local law enforcement and creating a list of “sensitive locations” that ICE won’t be able to enter without a judicial warrant.

The slew of anti-ICE measures are just the latest effort by Democrats in blue states like New York to push back against the Trump administration’s aggressive immigration tactics.

But the push to prohibit local police departments from cooperating with federal immigration authorities is likely to prove messy on the ground — as evidenced by a recent fracas in Brooklyn.

A host of elected allies of Zohran Mamdani pointed fingers at the mayor and police commissioner Jessica Tisch earlier this month when the NYPD took steps to control a crowd of anti-ICE protesters who tried to obstruct federal officers that detained an undocumented man and transported him to Wyckoff Heights Medical Center.

The NYPD says officers were doing their job by responding to 911 calls about disorderly protesters — and they also say these new measures wouldn’t have had any effect on how they operated that evening in front of Wykoff. During those efforts, eight people were arrested due to scuffles with cops and attempts to block the federal officers’ exits. Videos depict a chaotic scene, with the NYPD seen throwing a protester to the ground.

But protesters say the NYPD’s efforts to control the crowd made it so the city’s cops, directly or indirectly, were supporting ICE and clearing a path for their movements.

Brooklyn state Sen. Julia Salazar, a key backer of the immigration measures, insists the new language from the state would’ve stopped the NYPD from interfering with anti-ICE protesters outside the Brooklyn hospital that day.

“Someone was quite violently taken into ICE custody by ICE agents,” Salazar said, recounting the incident. “Then they were taken to Wyckoff Heights Medical Center in Bushwick, and the police officers from the NYPD facilitated the entry and exit of those officers — which would be prohibited going forward.”

An NYPD spokesperson told Playbook the “legislation will not impact the NYPD because we do not engage in civil immigration enforcement, period.”

The actual language of the bill would bar any “informal agreement” with federal immigration authorities “under which an officer or employee may engage in or assist immigration enforcement, or otherwise may perform a function of an immigration officer.” The dispute over its actual effect prompts questions about the role of local cops to ensure order in the face of anti-ICE demonstrations, especially after similar protests turned deadly in Minnesota.

Mamdani’s spokesperson Dora Pekec said city policy already prohibits coordination between the NYPD and ICE and that “the Mayor supports this piece of legislation and has made clear that he believes ICE has no role in promoting public safety here in New York City.”

Tomorrow Mamdani will release a report – resulting from a February executive order – examining all city interactions with federal immigration enforcement efforts.

At a May 12 event hosted by the Association for a Better New York, Tisch slammed critics who said the NYPD was colluding with ICE at Wyckoff.

“NYPD officers, in the middle of the night, amid chaos outside of their control, did their job professionally and skillfully and made sure events did not spiral into a calamity,” she said. “The critics of the NYPD’s actions — those who would have us stand aside and call cops doing their jobs collusion – have lost sight of the lives at stake.”

The Wyckoff incident prompted rare public criticism of the Mamdani administration from left-leaning lawmakers who held an emergency press conference and wrote a letter decrying the NYPD’s actions that evening.

“They provided security for ICE,” City Council member Sandy Nurse, who represents the area, said of the incident.

In a statement, Hochul spokesperson Jen Goodman said the new law “would not ban local law enforcement from actions like crowd control in the interest of protecting New Yorkers.” — Jason Beeferman

FROM THE CAMPAIGN TRAIL

A Emerson College poll finds former City Comptroller Brad Lander is leading the Democratic primary against incumbent Rep. Dan Goldman.

POLL-A-PALOOZA: We’ve got the latest snapshots of the city’s most competitive primaries in a trio of surveys from Emerson College Polling for PIX 11 — rare outside polling in these races.

The biggest gap: Former City Comptroller Brad Lander, who’s challenging Rep. Dan Goldman, is leading by a whopping 34 points. The survey has Lander with 57 percent support, compared to the incumbent’s 23 percent. One in five likely Democratic primary voters are undecided.

Goldman’s campaign was quick to dispute the results: “This poll is not remotely close to an accurate read of this race,” campaign manager Simone Kanter wrote on X. “The data we’ve seen shows a dead heat after messaging.”

He went on to argue that the survey oversampled college-educated voters and young people, writing that the poll “is assuming an electorate that looks exactly like the once-in-a-generation turnout Mamdani mobilized when he was on the ballot.” (Mamdani has endorsed Lander in the race, which will be a test of the mayor’s political muscle.)

Emily Minster, a spokesperson for Lander’s campaign, said they are “taking nothing for granted.”

A recent internal poll from a pro-Goldman super PAC found the incumbent trailing Lander by 5 points. Goldman has been up on the air for weeks; Lander began advertising today.

The polls showed far tighter races in the other primaries for NY-07 and NY-12, which are being vacated by retiring Reps. Nydia Velázquez and Jerry Nadler, respectively.

In NY-07, state Assemblymember Claire Valdez has 23 percent support, followed by Brooklyn Borough President Antonio Reynoso with 21 percent. City Council member Julie Won comes in at 13 percent and public defender Vichal Kumar at 1 percent.

Valdez leads among Hispanic voters and is running about even with Won among Asian voters.

An eye-popping 43 percent of respondents are undecided — giving the campaigns a major opportunity to grow their support.

The race for NY-10 is competitive between state Assemblymembers Micah Lasher and Alex Bores, who come in at 22 percent and 20 percent, respectively. Kennedy scion Jack Schlossberg has 11 percent, while anti-Trump commentator George Conway has 10 percent and public health practitioner Nina Schwalbe has 3 percent. Around a third of respondents are undecided.

Recent surveys — nearly all of which have been internal polls — also showed a tight race, with Lasher and Bores toward the front of the pack. Earlier this year, Schlossberg had a slight lead in polls. Heavy outside spending has occurred in recent weeks in favor of Lasher, as well as groups both spending for and against Bores.

Mamdani has a strong approval rating in all three districts: 78 percent approve of him in the 7th, 79 percent in the 10th and 66 percent in the 12th.

The polls were conducted May 16-17 among likely Democratic primary voters. In the 7th, there were 350 respondents and a margin of error of plus-or-minus 5.2 percentage points. In the 10th, there were 450 respondents and a margin of error of plus-or-minus 4.6 percentage points. In the 12th, there were 425 respondents and a margin of error of plus-or-minus 4.8 percentage points. Madison Fernandez

NOT THERE: Democrats are feeling good heading into this year’s midterms. But good enough to not donate to battleground Rep. Laura Gillen?

Oath, a donor platform that measures which Democrats it would be most effective to support, shared new recommendations for which candidates should make the cut, our colleagues in D.C. reported this morning. Among those who fall into the do-not-donate category is Gillen, whose Long Island seat that she narrowly flipped in 2024 is widely considered a crucial 2026 contest for control of the House. In a memo, Oath rationalized that Gillen’s seat is “moving into safe Democratic territory” and “does not have a Republican opponent who even raised $100,000.”

However, it’s unclear how much Hempstead Receiver of Taxes Jeanine Driscoll, local Republicans’ candidate of choice, has raised. She entered the race in April — after the second fundraising quarter began — and has not filed a financial report with the Federal Election Commission. Driscoll’s primary opponent, Air Force veteran Marvin Williams, has raised close to $90,000 — most of which was self-funded.

Also adding uncertainty to upcoming elections is a pending case in the Supreme Court that could open the floodgates to massive political spending from the national parties and benefit Republicans.

“Laura Gillen is running in a fiercely competitive Frontline seat,” Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee spokesperson Riya Vashi said in a statement. “The DCCC is committed to ensuring Laura has the resources and support she needs to win this November.” Madison Fernandez

From the Capitol

New Jersey Transit is creating back up plans for increased traffic expectations during the World Cup games.

THE WHEELS ON THE BUS: The Port Authority of New York and New Jersey has spent months working with other agencies planning for “nightmare scenarios” involving waylaid trains and buses during the World Cup, its executive director said Thursday.

Those plans could come in handy given the history of heat-related problems in the region and a pair of fires that disrupted service in and out of Penn Station in the past week.

New Jersey Transit’s backup plan for waylaid trains is a fleet of buses to carry fans. But those buses also break down in the heat and will need to get through the Port Authority’s tunnels to reach MetLife Stadium where eight World Cup matches will be played. So the Port Authority is working on a backup plan for the backup plan, including freeing up lanes in the Lincoln Tunnel that normally go in one direction to go in another.

“It’s going to be July, it’s going to be hot, on any given day we have bus break downs because the engine gets too hot,” Port Authority head Kathryn Garcia told reporters following a board meeting today. “We need to be able to be very flexible.”

Port Authority Chair Kevin O’Toole said during the hottest day last week he was behind a bus that broke down in the Lincoln Tunnel. Within five minutes a tow truck was there and another bus came to pick up the passengers.

“We are going to anticipate certain breakdowns and hopefully we can do our best to accommodate the public,” he said. — Ry Rivard

FROM CITY HALL

Mayor Zohran Mamdani announced that New York City would offer 1,000 $50 tickets to World Cup matches.

NOTHING IN LIFE IS FREE: Mamdani announced a deal today to provide 1,000 World Cup tickets to New Yorkers at $50 a pop.

The mayor unveiled his discount ticket scheme this morning at a beer garden in Harlem, rattling off teams, players and moments from World Cups of yore before getting to the meat of his announcement.

“We’re so excited, frankly, because we know that there are so many New Yorkers who thought that there was no way they could afford to go to this tournament, and now there is that glimpse of an opportunity,” the mayor said.

But New Jersey Democrats were having none of it. They attacked FIFA – soccer’s global governing body – for the discounted tickets, which are only available to New York residents, even though the matches are being played in the Garden State.

“This publicity stunt does nothing to address the cost of tickets,” New Jersey Democratic Reps. Nellie Pou and Frank Pallone said in a joint statement.

New Jersey Gov. Mikie Sherrill’s spokesperson, Stephen Sigmund, said “FIFA not caring about costs for New Jersey residents isn’t new.”

FIFA said the agreement was between the local host committee and the mayor’s office, and that FIFA was only involved in ensuring the tickets went to fans who genuinely planned to attend rather than sell tickets.

New York and New Jersey officials have repeatedly sparred over how to run the upcoming tournament, despite being co-hosts. Most of that dust up to date has been over dueling bus and train services to get fans to matches. — Ry Rivard and Joe Anuta 

In Other News

SUITED UP: Mamdani’s top lawyer, Ramzi Kaseem, brings a history of suing the NYPD and defending high-profile civil liberties cases to City Hall. (The New York Times)

ICED OUT: A Manhattan parking garage removed federal vehicles after protesters alleged they were being used by immigration enforcement agents. (Gothamist)

SHEIK UP: The Mamdani administration distanced itself from the views of an Islamic leader who has cast doubts on basic facts about the Holocaust. The mayor has met with the controversial figure at least three times since January 2025. (Washington Free Beacon)

Missed this morning’s New York Playbook? We forgive you. Read it here.

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The latest Paxton-Cornyn ad dustup is an ominous sign for the Texas GOP

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Texas Attorney General Ken Paxton says he wants to end his campaign on a “positive” note. Sen. John Cornyn, however, is prepared to go down fighting.

Paxton said Thursday he’s pulling his negative ads against Cornyn in the final days ahead of their bruising GOP primary for Texas’ Senate seat. The move reveals that the MAGA warrior, bolstered by President Donald Trump’s endorsement, is confident in his ability to clinch the Republican nomination.

But Cornyn, who’s facing an uphill battle to keep his seat, responded that he will keep his own attacks coming, leaning into Paxton’s long trail of personal and political scandals.

In a race that’s been defined by personal shots, the latest online dustup between the two underscores the difficult path forward for the Texas GOP after next week’s runoff election. The Paxton-Cornyn matchup has deepened divisions between the MAGA and establishment wings of the GOP, and the fighting between the two camps has gotten so ugly that some Republicans are fearful it will dampen turnout in the midterms, hurt down-ticket Republicans — and possibly cost them the seat.

Paxton’s announcement came after Texas GOP Chair Abraham George, a fellow conservative hardliner, asked the candidates to move beyond their feud out of consideration of the fight ahead to keep the seat red. The attorney general, who has gone after Cornyn for being too old to continue serving in Congress, wrote on X that his campaign has “already changed our TV ad traffic starting today to ensure our campaign ends on a positive note and that we can focus on beating the leftist lunatic in the fall,” referring to Democratic nominee James Talarico.

He called on Cornyn “to do the same for the good of our party. A Super PAC supporting Paxton, Lone Star Liberty, also announced Tuesday it was pulling its own negative ads.

Cornyn respondedin a post on X that Paxton is “desperate to avoid accountability” — and laid out exactly how bruising his ads will remain, saying the campaign needs a few more days to make sure voters know “that you plea bargained with a child sex offender, offering them only one day in prison and no sex offender registry as a favor” to a donor. He was referring to a recent report by the Texas Tribune on a plea deal Paxton offered to a man facing sexual abuse charges.

Cornyn and his allies have poured millions into brutal, personal ads trying to defeat Paxton — and they’ve had a lot of material to work with. Paxton has faced an impeachment attempt by the state legislature, ethics complaints from his staff and a federal securities fraud investigation. He’s currently going through a divorce that his wife filed for on “biblical grounds.”

Republicans are increasingly concerned that a Paxton nomination would put the seat in jeopardy, given his significant personal and political baggage, and bracing to spend upwards of $100 million to bail him out in the general election. Cornyn finished narrowly ahead of Paxton in the March primary, but the Trump endorsement puts Paxton in a strong position to overcome that deficit.

“We are going to continue to tell the truth about Paxton,” Cornyn said in another post. “He’s escaped accountability for too long. Judgment day is coming.”

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The DNC’s 2024 autopsy is out

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The Democratic National Committee — after months of both internal and external pressure — released a haphazard version of its autopsy of Kamala Harris’ failed 2024 presidential campaign on Thursday.

The report paints a bleak portrait of the party following the crushing loss to President Donald Trump, who carried every battleground state in his Electoral College romp, even as it fails to address some of the defining issues of the campaign, including Israel and Gaza.

Democrats “have proven incapable of projecting strength, unity, and leadership, and voters have drifted away,” Democratic strategist Paul Rivera, who authored the report but is not mentioned in the published version, writes. The autopsy was first released by CNN and shortly after published by the DNC.

Rivera writes that since President Barack Obama’s historic win in 2008, “Democrats have lost ground at every level of government.”

“These losses are the direct result of missed opportunities to invest in our states, counties, and local parties and candidates,” he writes.

This is a breaking news story that will be updated.

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