Congress
Hakeem Jeffries says Democrats will prioritize affordability. Not all of his members agree.
Hakeem Jeffries made clear this week “affordability” is House Democrats’ primary focus as the minority leader launched an effort to turn the party’s cost-of-living message into actual legislation ahead of the November midterms.
One problem: not all Democrats agree affordability is Job 1.
Multiple top lawmakers interviewed this week said they hope an incoming House Democratic majority would prioritize other issues — ranging from voting rights to anti-corruption measures to simply rolling back Trump administration initiatives — in the party’s signature bill, traditionally designated “H.R. 1.”
Even as new inflation figures showed prices rising at the highest annual rate since 2023 — driven by the Trump administration’s lingering war with Iran — some Democrats argued it would make sense to elevate other issues.
“We must secure and guarantee the right to vote and to have free and fair elections, because that is the basic premise of democratic society,” Rep. Jamie Raskin of Maryland, the top Democrat on the Judiciary Committee, said in an interview. “We are constantly trying to escape the undertow of voter suppression, extreme gerrymandering, and attacks on the election process.”
Securing voting rights and overhauling elections was the subject of the last H.R. 1 Democrats introduced, under then-Speaker Nancy Pelosi when her party was trying to forge a path forward after President Donald Trump’s first election. But that legislation not only failed to become law, it could not connect viscerally with disaffected voters who later returned Trump to office.
Now Jeffries faces a test as a would-be speaker in rallying his 212-member caucus behind not only a campaign message but also palatable, passable legislation that the party can champion ahead of the 2028 campaign cycle.
While House Democrats broadly agree they should attempt to lower costs in early legislation should they take back the majority, they also recognize the symbolic heft of designating a bill H.R. 1. Major economic bills passed under Trump and former President Barack Obama also carried the designation.
That symbolism is especially important given the fact that any Democratic bill won’t become law so long as Trump is in the White House.
“Democrats need to reinspire the country,” Rep. Greg Casar (D-Texas), chair of the Congressional Progressive Caucus, said in an interview. “And that’s going to be in part a way to do that, is to show people what we stand for.”
The last Democratic H.R. 1 was also known as the For the People Act, which focused on beefing up government ethics, cracking down on untraceable “dark money,” ensuring voting access and eliminating partisan gerrymandering.
There’s an appetite in the caucus beyond just Raskin for revisiting those issues in a signature bill. Rep. Yvette Clarke (D-N.Y.) said the Congressional Black Caucus, which she leads, would also like to see a major Democratic voting rights bill, the John R. Lewis Voting Rights Advancement Act, revived in any new H.R. 1. That push has gained momentum in recent weeks since the Supreme Court further rolled back the Voting Rights Act of 1965, allowing Louisiana and other red states to carve up majority-minority districts before the midterms.
Yet Clarke also said that she personally would prefer her party rally around “comprehensive immigration reform” as its first bill should it gain the majority.
Jeffries seemed to settle the debate earlier this week when he told reporters at a Monday news conference that “when we look at the legislation that we’re going to lean into — including but not limited to H.R. 1 — it will be hyper-focused on driving down the high cost of living.”
Many Democrats see the wisdom in that strategy and are ready to embrace a slate of affordability legislation as prices surged this week.
“Democrats should be confident that our economic message is resonating with people,” Rep. Jim McGovern (D-Mass.) said in an interview Wednesday as the new inflation data sunk in. “People understand that inflation matters, and it’s not something you should love.”
But even those Democrats who agree that lowering costs has to be top of mind have differing perspectives on how to do it.
The leader of the Congressional Hispanic Caucus, Rep. Adriano Espaillat (D-N.Y.), said he, for instance, wants H.R. 1 to claw back Immigration and Customs Enforcement funding and redirect it to programs that saw cuts under the GOP trifecta, such as Medicaid and affordable housing.
The two largest ideological Democratic caucuses — the Progressive Caucus and the centrist New Democrats Coalition — target overlapping issues in their respective affordability agendas. But the CPC also eyes federally guaranteed paid time off and the abolition of super PACs.
Rep. Brad Schneider (D-Ill.), the New Democrats chair, told reporters last week that he wants the party to undo Trump’s global tariffs in their first action in a potential majority, while the CPC does not touch on tariffs at all.
“Our first action will be to stop the damage that this administration is doing to our economy and our local communities,” Schneider said. “If we address those tariffs, that would be a big step.”
Jeffries announced five working groups this week designed to broker consensus around lowering the cost of housing, gas and utilities, groceries and goods, caregiving and health care. The groups are led by at least one CPC member and one New Democrats member.
Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez (D-N.Y.) and Rep. Terri Sewell (D-Ala.), for instance, will be leading the health care effort — and approaching the issue from very different perspectives. Ocasio-Cortez as a leading advocate for a Medicare-for-All-style single-payer program while an action plan compiled by Sewell for the New Democrats last year takes a more moderate approach to expanding coverage.
“If I could wave my magic wand, we’d all have guaranteed health care,” Ocasio-Cortez said in an interview.
Jeffries has not weighed in on specifics, but said Monday that “fixing our broken health care system” would be “a part” of the Democratic agenda.
Congress
Scalise will kick off August campaign sprint in marquee Nebraska House race
House Majority Leader Steve Scalise is zeroing in on one of House Republicans’ biggest contests — a purple district in Nebraska — when he starts his recess campaign sprint.
Scalise will travel to Nebraska’s 2nd Congressional District in the Omaha area for an event with Republican Brinker Harding in the coming days, according to a person with direct knowledge of the matter granted anonymity to share plans not yet made public. Republicans are digging in to defend the seat, which Kamala Harris won in the 2024 presidential race and is among Democrats’ best pick up opportunities this fall as they seek to flip the House.
Harding is running against Democratic consultant Denise Powell to replace retiring GOP Rep. Don Bacon. Bacon, a moderate-leaning Republican, flipped the Omaha district red in 2016.
After Nebraska, Scalise is planning to travel across the country throughout August, including to defend GOP incumbents Mariannette Miller-Meeks’ and Zach Nunn’s key battleground seats in Iowa’s 1st and 3rd Congressional Districts and Derrick Van Orden in Wisconsin’s 3rd Congressional District.
He’ll boost candidates working to flip blue districts like Laurie Buckhout in North Carolina’s 1st Congressional District, Derek Merrin in Ohio’s 9th Congressional District and Mike LiPetri in New York’s 3rd Congressional District.
Scalise also plans to travel to Michigan, Colorado, South Carolina and Texas for campaign events over the August recess.
Congress
Trump needles Cornyn as Blanche remains blocked
President Donald Trump goaded John Cornyn on social media Friday morning, accusing the Texas senator of withholding his vote on Todd Blanche’s attorney general nomination in retaliation for Trump’s central role in his political demise.
Cornyn, who lost his May primary to Texas’ scandal-ridden attorney general, the Trump-endorsed Ken Paxton, has threatened to block Blanche’s nomination in the Senate Judiciary Committee until the White House promises to permanently shelve its $1.8 billion “anti-weaponization fund” in writing — something Trump appears unwilling to do.
“John Cornyn never had a problem with the so called “Fund,” which will not benefit me, but rather the great American Patriots who were hunted down like dogs and whose lives were unfairly and illegally destroyed by the Crooked Joe Biden Administration, until after I decided to Endorse and Support his Republican Primary opponent in Texas, who easily won the Nomination for the United States Senate,” Trump wrote on Truth Social.
Several Republicans bristled at the fund, which could have been deployed to compensate Americans who faced charges after the Jan. 6 Capitol riot and which gives the president and his family audit immunity over taxes. At his July confirmation hearing, Blanche said that the fund, part of a settlement the president reached with the IRS, was defunct. But the administration has been “reluctant to change” the text of the settlement, Cornyn told reporters Thursday.
Trump signaled his continued support for the Jan 6 rioters on Friday.
“I will always feel that these victims of government abuse should be paid back for what they were forced to endure, their lives have been ruined!” he wrote. “Millions of people agree with me, as was proven in my landslide Presidential win, where this was a major subject of debate, and so did John Cornyn, until he lost his Election to an opponent that I Endorsed.”
On Thursday, the president suggested that he could punt a Senate vote on Blanche until after Cornyn — and Sen. Thom Tillis (R-N.C.) — leaves the chamber at the end of the year. Cornyn, however, suggested on social media that there are other Republican senators with concerns about the fund.
“After the midterms, who knows who’s going to be the next United States senator from North Carolina or Texas?” Cornyn told reporters.
Congress
Capitol agenda: The Senate’s fly-out agenda takes shape
Senate Republicans are prepping a jam-packed — if somewhat optimistic — agenda for their final week before summer recess.
Majority Leader John Thune wants to move stopgap funding through Dec. 11, bipartisan Russia sanctions legislation and a bloc of nominees — perhaps including attorney general pick Todd Blanche.
He’s also under pressure from President Donald Trump, administration officials and many of his GOP colleagues to adopt a budget resolution — the first step in unlocking another party-line spending bill.
Leaders are prioritizing the stopgap, though. Appropriations Chair Susan Collins (R-Maine) expects continuing resolution text to be unveiled later today, she told reporters Thursday, and an initial vote is expected Monday evening.
Still TBD: Collins wants to use the funding patch to block the Trump administration from putting political appointees in charge of approving grants — a demand Democratic senators are also making.
The decision is in Thune’s hands. He acknowledged a “handful of issues” are still under consideration with the CR, and said he’s “hoping both sides can come together and figure” them out.
As for the sanctions bill, leaders of both parties are still trying to work out a deal to fast-track the legislation amid concerns from some Democrats and Sen. Rand Paul (R-Ky.) that it gives Trump too much tariff power.
In addition to the nominees package, Thune also hasn’t ruled out an initial vote on the landmark cryptocurrency bill both parties have spent months negotiating or teeing up a bipartisan college sports overhaul now in final stages of talks.
But the big question is whether Republicans can take a major step toward another reconciliation bill by advancing a budget resolution.
Thune met Thursday with Budget Chair Ron Johnson (R-Wis.), who said he was “optimistic in terms of how things are kind of coming together.”
Republicans anticipate giving a number of Senate committees instructions for the bill, setting up a lengthy and politically painful process ahead of adoption despite pushes for urgency from the White House.
Trump’s chief of staff, Susie Wiles, was the latest official to head to Capitol Hill to try and light a fire under top Republicans. But GOP senators don’t necessarily see the urgency.
“The hard part is the president wants to be able to move fast, like an executive can move, and we’re a legislative branch,” said Sen. James Lankford (R-Okla.). “It doesn’t move that fast.”
What else we’re watching:
— BLANCHE TEETERING: Todd Blanche’s nomination as attorney general isn’t dead yet. But it’s certainly on life support. The acting AG met with Cornyn and Tillis Thursday at NRSC headquarters, and one person familiar with the discussion said the group was “working collaboratively now.” But it would now be difficult to confirm him before August recess under Senate rules.
— FARM BILL TEXT: Senate Agriculture Chair John Boozman said his farm bill legislative text — originally expected Thursday — could come Friday or Saturday. The bill, which is expected to include language allowing year-round E15 sales and a potential compromise on postponing GOP-led cuts to the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program, is set to be marked up Thursday.
Jordain Carney and Grace Yarrow contributed to this report.
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