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Republicans are in disarray 1 week into the shutdown

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One week into the government shutdown, top Republican leaders appear to have lost the plot.

President Donald Trump, Speaker Mike Johnson and Senate Majority Leader John Thune are straining to project a united front against Democrats, just barely concealing tensions over strategy that have snowballed behind the scenes since agencies closed last week.

In one stark example, Trump scrambled the congressional leaders’ messaging Monday when he told reporters in the Oval Office he would “like to see a deal made for great health care” and that he was “talking to Democrats about it.”

Within hours, Trump walked it back: “I am happy to work with the Democrats on their Failed Healthcare Policies, or anything else, but first they must allow our Government to re-open,” he wrote on Truth Social hours after his initial comments.

Johnson said Tuesday he “spoke with the president at length yesterday” about the need to reopen agencies first, while Thune told reporters there have been “ongoing conversations” about strategy between the top Republicans.

A White House official granted anonymity to speak about the circumstances behind the president’s statements said the Truth post was “issued to make clear that the [administration] position has not changed” and was not done at the behest of the two leaders.

But tensions surfaced again Tuesday after a White House budget office memo raised questions about a federal law guaranteeing back pay for furloughed federal workers — one that Johnson and Thune both voted for in 2019.

These episodes are among many where the White House and Hill Republicans have been crosswise on strategy and seemingly not communicating in advance about their key moves. Many of those instances have concerned hardball tactics coming from White House budget director Russ Vought seemingly aimed at cornering Democrats by threatening blue-state spending and the federal workforce.

Not only have those moves so far failed to move Democrats off their positions, they have left Johnson and Thune flat-footed as they confront questions about the GOP strategy for ending the shutdown.

The two leaders, for instance, both struggled to square their own support for federal workers with the administration’s new position questioning back pay for furloughed employees. Thune sought to return focus to Democrats while also indicating frustration with the White House.

“All you have to do to prevent any federal employee from not getting paid is to open up the government,” Thune told reporters Tuesday. “I don’t know what statute they are using. My understanding is, yes, that they would get paid. I’ll find out. I haven’t heard this up until now. But again it’s a very straightforward proposition, and you guys keep chasing that narrative that they’ve got going down at the White House and up here with the Democrats.”

Johnson separately said he supported back pay and praised the “extraordinary Americans who serve the federal government.”

“They serve valiantly, and they work hard, and they serve in these various agencies, doing really important work,” he said. “I tell you, the president believes that as well.”

Barely two hours later, Trump sent a different message: “I would say it depends who we’re talking about,” he told reporters when asked about guaranteeing back pay. “For the most part, we’re going to take care of our people, but for some people they don’t deserve to be taken care of.”

White House spokesperson Abigail Jackson said in a statement that Trump and congressional Republicans “are all in complete lockstep and have been consistent” in saying the government must reopen before health care or any policy issues can be discussed.

“The Administration will not negotiate while the American people are being held hostage by Democrats,” she added.

As far as congressional Republicans are concerned, the politics of government shutdowns is straightforward: Isolate the Senate Democrats who are blocking a House-passed bill to reopen the government and make them own the consequences of having agencies shuttered.

“If you’re Republicans, you have to get Dems to blink first,” said a person close to the White House who was granted anonymity to describe strategic conversations.

But Trump and Vought have not followed that strategy, seemingly preoccupied with punishing their political enemies and executing an ideological agenda targeting the federal workforce and programs.

Most of the strategic tensions have pitted Johnson and Thune against the White House — but not all.

The two congressional leaders appeared together at a news conference Tuesday where they were pressed on the possibility of standalone legislation guaranteeing pay for military members or air traffic controllers.

“I’m certainly open to that,” Johnson said, before Thune — seemingly wary of taking pressure off Democrats — poured cold water on the idea.

“You don’t need that,” he interjected. “The simplest way to end it is not try to exempt this group or that group or that group. It’s to get the government open.”

In contrast to the GOP divisions, Democrats have been largely successful so far in their effort to focus attention on health care — in particular, on Affordable Care Act insurance subsidies that expire at the end of the year. They are pushing Republicans to engage now while Johnson and Thune insist the problem can be dealt with later, after the government reopens.

And they have noticed the disarray on the other side of the aisle. “I think they are absolutely struggling to figure out how they are going to get out of this,” Sen. Patty Murray (D-Wash.) said Tuesday.

The White House official said Republicans remain confident they will ultimately prevail, saying Democrats “have no viable alternative” to the House stopgap and that “it’s the party that is asking for stuff that is going to be blamed.”

But behind the scenes, the top Republican leaders agree that the subsidies have to be extended going into a midterm election year. The person close to the White House said “2026 can’t be about health care” for the GOP.

Johnson and Thune know the issue unites Democrats but divides their members and are trying to keep a lid on those internal tensions. They haven’t been especially successful. Many hard-line conservatives have staked out total opposition to any extension, while swing-district members have sketched out proposals to keep premiums from skyrocketing.

The split was underscored Monday night when Rep. Marjorie Taylor Greene (R-Ga.), a Trump loyalist with a maverick streak, took direct aim at party leaders for not addressing the looming deadline.

“Not a single Republican in leadership talked to us about this or has given us a plan to help Americans deal with their health insurance premiums DOUBLING!!!” Greene wrote on X.

Johnson responded Tuesday by saying Greene simply wasn’t in the loop as other Republicans discuss a path forward.

“She’s probably not read that in on some of that, because it’s still been sort of in the silos of the people who specialize in those issues,” Johnson said.

But the open rebellion — and Trump’s public signals that he’s willing to deal — is only fueling Democrats’ willingness to hold out on government funding. Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer quoted from Greene’s post on the Senate floor Tuesday.

“Hold on to your hats: I think this is the first time I’ve said this, but on this issue, Rep. Greene said it perfectly,” he said. “Rep. Greene is absolutely right.”

Some progress has been made behind the scenes toward at least establishing lines of bipartisan communication. Some rank-and-file senators are already discussing potential shutdown off-ramps involving the ACA subsidies and unfinished fiscal 2026 appropriations bills.

The person close to the White House said the administration has informally deputized Sen. Markwayne Mullin of Oklahoma to serve as a conduit to Democrats. Asked about the arrangement, Mullin said, “I don’t have a badge,” and otherwise declined to discuss whether he was briefing the administration on bipartisan Senate talks.

As those discussions play out, the top leaders have been left to paper over their internal disputes with words of praise and harmony.

After Trump sent his clean-up Truth, Johnson praised the president for making “very clear that, yes, he’s happy to sit down and talk to Democrats about health care or anything as soon as they reopen the government.”

“We are 100 percent consistent and united on that,” he said. “The president is a dealmaker. He likes to figure these things out and work towards solutions, and that’s why he’s a bold, strong leader that America needs right now.”

Sophia Cai, Mia McCarthy, Jennifer Scholtes and Nicholas Wu contributed to this report.

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Congress

The House Ethics Committee wants to do better

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Three lawmakers accused of serious ethical lapses have been forced to resign in just over a week, prompting even members of the House Ethics Committee to question whether the panel is up to the task of policing its own.

The committee is at a moment of reckoning as it seeks to prove itself ready, willing and able to root out bad behavior in its ranks. It’s spent the past year and a half rebuilding its reputation after internal disagreements about how to handle an ethics report over ex-Rep. Matt Gaetz spilled into the public and threatened the bipartisan panel’s credibility.

Now, amid the high-profile resignations of Rep. Eric Swalwell (D-Calif.), Tony Gonzales (R-Texas) and Sheila Cherfilus-McCormick (D-Fla.), members who sit on the highly secretive committee are opening up — eager to share their perspectives, acknowledge their limitations and defend their work.

“The reality is we are still too slow, and I believe that we should be moving faster. I’ve expressed some of my recommendations on how we can do that to staff,” said Rep. Suhas Subramanyam (D-Va.), who joined the Ethics Committee this Congress, in an interview. “I want people to take the Ethics Committee more seriously.”

In extended interviews Monday and Tuesday, Ethics Chair Michael Guest (R-Miss.) said his panel is hamstrung by the House’s institutional bureaucracy.

“I’ve been asked, you know, could the Ethics Committee, if there were additional resources provided to the committee, would that help us move cases through quickly? And of course, the answer to that is yes,” Guest said. “But you know, it has to be up to leadership. It has to be up to the Speaker and the Minority Leader as to the size of the staff that they would like to see the Ethics Committee command.”

Their comments come amid questions around how Gonzales and Swalwell were able to serve in office for so long unchecked: Both were accused of engaging in sexual misconduct with former staffers, with Swalwell accused of rape. Each stepped down before the Ethics Committee ever had a chance to render findings of fault and enact punishments.

Cherfilus-McCormick also resigned moments before the Ethics Committee was due to meet Tuesday afternoon to consider a punishment for a determination that she illicitly funneled millions to support her campaign, which could have culminated in a recommendation of expulsion.

Now attention is turning to Rep. Cory Mills (R-Fla.), who stands accused of numerous violations, including illicitly engaging in government contracts while in federal office and threatening to release a former girlfriend’s nude videos. He has maintained he has no plans to resign as his case before the Ethics Committee has languished without resolution.

In November, the House Ethics panel quietly requested the Office of Congressional Conduct — the quasi-independent office that fields and investigates complaints against members and staff from the public — to drop its probe into Mills, according to a person with knowledge of the ethics process who was granted anonymity to describe the confidential process. That message was transmitted to the OCC the same day the House voted to effectively table a resolution offered by Rep. Nancy Mace (R-S.C.) to censure Mills for various alleged improprieties.

The OCC was established in 2008 by then-Speaker Nancy Pelosi (D-Calif.), and proponents say it provides a necessary, largely independent set of eyes — including on ongoing investigations. Critics view the OCC as an untrustworthy political group; it sat defanged for months this Congress before Speaker Mike Johnson brought a perfunctory measure to the House floor that set up its ability to launch investigations by appointing its board.

Guest declined to discuss details of the Mills case but did not deny that such a request had been made, saying it was standard practice for Ethics to take the reins on a probe from OCC “once an investigative subcommittee is established.”

He conceded the Ethics Committee at times may operate slower than some would like, but its process was deliberate and thorough. “If members want this to be a rush committee where we have two weeks to come up with a report and return that report back to the body, then I’m not the right person to be serving in that room.”

He did say he hoped to discuss with Johnson how to improve the panel’s operations. One continued challenge for members is the loss of jurisdiction once a lawmaker resigns from Congress, which has historically meant the committee stops its investigation and does not release a report of its findings. Guest proposed a new policy where a report could be made public upon a lawmaker’s resignation, meaning bad actors could not always leave office in order to hide from revelations about their misdeeds.

Rep. Mark DeSaulnier of California, the top Democrat on the Ethics Committee, said the committee could better handle cases of sexual misconduct and has spoken to Democratic leadership about modernizing the panel.

“I think on sexual harassment, [the] thing that occurs to me is that there should be one place to go that’s clear to report, that has enough staff, and they’re been very well trained in the subject area, so that people feel like there’s a place they can go and be safe, protected,” he said. “And then there’s a due process that responds in a way that is deliberative, but under the urgency of circumstances.”

This is an area where the Ethics Committee has, in recent weeks, found itself struggling to respond to public pressure. When the House was poised in March to vote on a measure brought by Mace that would have compelled the committee to make information on sexual harassment claims public, Guest and DeSaulnier said in a statement it would have a chilling effect for victims. The resolution was ultimately tabled.

On Monday, the panel released a statement reaffirming its commitment to taking allegations of sexual misconduct seriously — and a list of publicly disclosed sexual misconduct investigations dating back to 1976. Many of those cases were closed without resolution because the member under scrutiny resigned from office before the committee could conclude the case.

One lawmaker who has served on the Ethics Committee, who requested anonymity to describe the panel’s private operations, argued that disclosure of sexual misconduct cases can harm potential victims who may not want their cases brought before the panel in the first place.

This explanation is largely falling on deaf ears from members who want more transparency and accountability, though, with Rep. Anna Paulina Luna (R-Fla.) calling the Monday release of previously disclosed sexual misconduct allegations against House members an inadequate “cleanup job.”

Rep. Glenn Ivey (D-Md.), a member of the Ethics Committee and a former federal prosecutor, suggested that improving the panel’s internal systems for handling sexual harassment claims might be a lost cause.

“I think the ugly truth is there’s no process that handles this well that I’ve seen, whether it’s state courts, federal courts, internal corporate investigations, Congress or the Senate,” he said.

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Congress

Senate launches budget debate

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Senate Republicans opened debate Tuesday on a fiscal blueprint meant to pave the way for passage of a party-line immigration enforcement funding bill later this year.

The Senate voted 52-46 to advance the budget resolution, which Budget Chair Lindsey Graham (R-S.C.) unveiled earlier Tuesday. It instructs House and Senate committees to write legislation expected to deliver about $70 billion to Immigration and Customs Enforcement and other agencies.

The Senate is expected to give the measure final approval this week before leaving town. The chamber could move to a marathon voting session, known as a vote-a-rama, as soon as Wednesday, though plenty of Republicans are betting that it won’t start until Thursday.

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Congress

Cherfilus-McCormick resigns amid ethics investigation

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Rep. Sheila Cherfilus-McCormick (D-Fla.) has resigned in the face of corruption charges at home and calls for her ouster in Washington, she announced in a statement on Tuesday.

News broke minutes before the House Ethics Committee was about to meet for a public hearing Tuesday afternoon to determine a punishment for the third-term Democrat, who was charged with stealing $5 million in Covid relief funds.

Cherfilus-McCormick said in a statement the Ethics proceedings did not constitute a “fair process” and that she was “choos[ing] to step aside” rather than “play these political games.”

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