Senate Democrats are bracing for a painful post-mortem as they try to avoid a September rerun of their latest government funding defeat.

Chuck Schumer, the Senate minority leader, and nine of his members helped get a House GOP-authored government funding bill to the finish line, saying a vote to advance legislation they loathed was the least bad option. The alternative, they argued, was allowing a shutdown that could empower Trump and Elon Musk to accelerate their slashing of the federal bureaucracy.

This was the first time since the start of Trump’s second administration that the party had real leverage to fight the president, as Republicans needed Democratic votes to overcome a filibuster. Democrats could have refused to put up those votes to avert a shutdown, but Schumer folded instead. This gambit is now raising internal questions about how Democrats will handle the next shutdown deadline at the end of September — and how they can avoid the same result.

Schumer’s strategy exposed major fissures within the party, marking for many of his members a disappointing retreat. It’s also raised questions among some Democrats about whether it’s time for the New Yorker to step aside — though no senators have publicly embraced those calls.

“We should do a retrospective,” said Sen. Ruben Gallego (D-Ariz.). Asked whether his party lost some of its clout by acquiescing to the GOP’s funding bill, Gallego said: “That was my concern.”

Senate Democrats have already started discussing privately how to avoid getting rolled again. They bet this month that House Republicans would never be able to pass a stopgap funding bill without Democratic support, and Democrats hoped they could leverage that failure into a bipartisan deal. That assumption backfired when Speaker Mike Johnson called their bluff, sending the Senate a funding patch that passed the House with only one Republican opposing it.

“We were just talking about that,” Sen. Mark Kelly (D-Ariz.) said when asked how the party will pursue the next funding fight. “We’ve got to come up with a plan.”

Some Democrats are now afraid that they inadvertently gave Republicans a playbook for government funding fights in the future: Cut Democrats out of the negotiations, muscle legislation through the House with only GOP votes and bet they can jam the Senate. Sen. Chris Murphy (D-Conn.) pointed to that possibility as he laid out his frustrations after the Senate cleared the funding measure Friday night, warning that Democrats set a “really dangerous precedent” and questioned “why would Republicans work with us” going forward.

This isn’t the first time Democrats have found themselves divided as they learn how to navigate the return of the Trump era. But with a second funding battle looming, not to mention a potential brawl over the debt ceiling, Democrats are warning that they need to quickly find a foothold that unites their caucus and its disparate voices while also delivering results.

Democrats say they need to have a blunt conversation about how much political risk they are willing to absorb to fight Trump, including blocking unrelated legislation or symbolic opposition to nominees. Some Democratic senators are floating holding a series of rallies and town halls to try to build public support for opposing Trump.

“I think our caucus needs to work through how we are going to coordinate a common message and approach,” said Sen. Chris Coons (D-Del.).

Senate Democrats spent a lot of time last week agonizing over how to handle the government funding fight in closed-door meetings; some became so heated that senators could be heard shouting in the Capitol hallways. Schumer gave his colleagues room to air their grievances, which included complaints about the lack of a clear strategy. But he also encouraged them to not outwardly lean into a shutdown threat in the lead-up to the House vote that he hoped would fail.

Many Democratic senators were frank in the final days before the vote that they were barreling toward a lose-lose situation. Sen. John Hickenlooper (D-Colo.) called the two choices Democrats faced — supporting the House GOP bill or driving the government into a shutdown — “full of despair.”

A Senate Democratic aide, granted anonymity to discuss private deliberations, said there was a “very clear split in strategy” between Schumer and other senior Democrats ahead of Friday’s vote. The aide said that there needs to be a “reset” heading into the funding fight this fall.

“The leverage point still exists,” the aide added. “It’s just a matter of using it.”

Meanwhile, Republicans have been gloating over Schumer’s missteps. The Democratic leader warned from the Senate floor last week that the House bill did not have the votes to advance in his chamber, only to say the next day that he would help get it over a 60-vote procedural hurdle. Several Republican senators and even Trump complimented him for helping advance the funding bill, even as he ultimately opposed it on passage vote.

Schumer has defended his strategy, arguing that as leader of the caucus he has to make politically painful decisions to protect both his members and the country from what he viewed as a worse alternative: The possibility of a prolonged shutdown with Trump and Musk in the driver’s seat. Schumer privately warned his members ahead of last week’s vote that if the government shut down there was not a clear offramp out of one, and that Republicans could potentially try to cherry pick which parts of the government to reopen.

Schumer, in a sit-down with reporters last week, acknowledged that Republicans could try to jam them again in September. But Schumer said he’s betting that Trump’s actions and policies will make him less popular, which could splinter congressional Republicans in the coming months and give Democrats a “decent chance” at more leverage heading into September negotiations. Other Democratic senators indicated they feel similarly.

“With the failed Trump economic policies, with a market that continues to wobble at best … I think a lot of this is going to start bubbling up,” said Sen. Mark Warner (D-Va.).

Katherine Tully-McManus, Lisa Kashinsky and Hailey Fuchs contributed to this report.

After nearly three decades on Capitol Hill, Sen. John Thune (R-S.D.) reached the apex of his career as the new Senate majority leader and head of the Republican caucus. But he’s also reached a personal crossroads — and how he navigates it will determine his legacy and the future of the American experiment.

There’s no question that Thune is a conservative who supports President Donald Trump’s agenda, despite his previous opposition to Trump becoming the GOP nominee. But temperamentally, he’d seem to be at odds with Trump’s aggressive, norm-breaking approach to the presidency.

“In a move-fast-and-break-things era of anti-government ardor, he’s virtually a public-sector lifer, an easy-does-it institutionalist,” writes Michael Kruse in this week’s Friday Read. “The subject of nary a scandal and scant few lengthy profiles for somebody of his stature, John Randolph Thune — by upbringing, experience and disposition — is the utter antithesis of Donald John Trump.”

The question for Thune is whether he wants to be remembered as the man who tolerated Trump’s worst excesses in service of his political project, or as the institutionalist who drew a line in the sand. And so far — to the delight of MAGA skeptics and the chagrin of Democrats and anti-Trump Republicans who respect Thune — he’s choosing the first path.

“I would hope there’s a little inner turmoil,” said longtime John McCain adviser Mark Salter. “You are watching the executive branch usurp all the power and authorities given Congress under Article I,” he continued. “Maybe he thinks, ‘I’ll preserve my influence, and down the road, when something worse comes along, I’ll be able to stop him from doing it’ — but it’s going to get harder to oppose him, not easier.”

Read the story.

“WTF? @SenSchumer please grow a spine. And quickly.”

Can you guess who tweeted this at Democratic Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer? Scroll to the bottom for the answer.**

How the Media Missed the Missing Congresswoman … The first notable thing about the news that Texas Rep. Kay Granger had been living in an assisted-living facility with dementia for months was that a sitting member of Congress was unable to carry out her duties. The second notable thing was that no one had noticed. Washington probably has the highest journalist-to-everyone-else ratio of any city in the country, and yet it was a small conservative website called The Dallas Express that got the scoop. A Congresswoman vanished — and not one D.C. outlet reported it. Why? In this week’s Capital City column, Michael Schaffer digs into the story of how the media missed the story.

Wait, was something supposed to happen on Saturday? Why are all your Democratic friends mad at Chuck Schumer? No one needs to know that you missed one of the most dramatic government shutdown showdowns in history. Just use these talking points and everyone will think you were practically glued to C-SPAN this week. (From Associate Editor Dylon Jones)

• Share a bit of context to telegraph that you remember how shutdown negotiations typically go — and why this time was different: “When the majority party needs votes from the other side, they used to reach out to try and make a deal. Sometimes the president himself would get involved. But the GOP didn’t even try. As POLITICO put it, ‘the White House’s posture smacks of over-confidence bordering on arrogance.’”
• You won’t look like a keen White House observer unless you bring up just how ugly and personal the president got as the deadline for averting the shutdown loomed: “Trump was in a meeting with the Irish prime minister when he decided to say that Schumer, the highest ranking Jewish elected official in the country, is ‘not Jewish anymore. He’s Palestinian.’ He’d previously said Schumer is a ‘proud member of Hamas.’ Something tells me Trump didn’t exactly consult a rabbi on that one. And yeesh, must have been awkward for the prime minister. ” 
• Drop a detail that indicates you were refreshing Hill reporters’ Twitter pages as Democrats debated their position this week: “Did everyone see that reporters could hear Sen. Kirsten Gillibrand arguing against the shutdown through a closed door on Thursday? You’d think they’d have improved the sound-proofing at the Capitol over the last 231 years or so.”
• Everyone will be talking about progressives like Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez and Sen. Bernie Sanders condemning Schumer’s decision to support the Republican spending bill to avoid a shutdown. But as a sharp political observer, you’ll be able to point out that the criticism isn’t just coming from the party’s leftmost flank: “Multiple Biden advisers threw stones at Schumer as well. More importantly, so did Rep. Nancy Pelosi, one of the most effective wielders of power the party has ever seen, albeit somewhat obliquely. ‘Let’s be clear: neither is a good option for the American people,’ she posted on X, referring to the choice between the bill and a shutdown. ‘But this false choice that some are buying instead of fighting is unacceptable.’”

The 5 Most Stylish Men in Congress … Congress may be dysfunctional, but that doesn’t mean it can’t be fashionable. There are a handful of members who know how to turn a look — if not how to turn a bill into law. Menswear critic Derek Guy highlights the five most stylish men in Congress, and what makes them stand out from their frumpy colleagues.

The Navy SEALs Take Congress … One group of Americans has recently achieved greater representation in Congress than ever before: Navy SEALs. There are seven Navy SEAL vets in Congress, and their ascension marks a notable shift both in the military and in politics. Compared to past veteran lawmakers, “the current generation of ex-SEALs, who mostly came of fighting age during the Gulf War and the war on terror, have eagerly embraced a more combative style of politics,” writes Ian Ward, “one that favors partisan warfare, legislative brinkmanship and an open embrace of Trump.”

D.C.’s Big-Dollar Dining Habits Exposed … When members of Congress use campaign or PAC funds to wine and dine, they have to report that spending. So Senior Data Reporter Jessica Piper crunched the numbers to find out where Democrats and Republicans like to crunch on grub — and found a feast of insights. Any guesses which party prefers steakhouses and which one likes European bistros? How about what representative spent $155,563.09 at The Capital Grille alone? Your smorgasbord of delicious D.C. dining details is served.

Congress Spills Secrets on Congress … Last week, we got 25 members of Congress to give us their unvarnished view of insider life on Blue Light News — and they did not hold back. We’re talking sex, drinking and dementia — which colleagues they can’t stand and how they’d change the institution if given a chance. Get ready to see Congress like you’ve never seen it before.

From the drafting table of editorial cartoonist Matt Wuerker.

Who Dissed? Answer: That would be one of former President Joe Biden’s old advisers, Susan Rice.

politicoweekend@email.politico.com

The Senate passed a bill Friday night to free up more than $1 billion in Washington’s city budget, fixing an omission in the government funding bill now on its way to the president’s desk.

Senate Appropriations Chair Susan Collins (R-Maine) said on the Senate floor that President Donald Trump has “endorsed” the bill, along with House Appropriations Chair Tom Cole (R-Okla.).

“There are no federal dollars involved,” Collins assured her colleagues before the Senate passed the bill by voice vote.

It’s still unclear when, and if, House Republican leaders will call a vote to pass the measure when they return from recess later this month, though Sen. Tim Kaine (D-Va.), said it was “my expectation” that the GOP-controlled House would indeed take it up, especially if it has Trump’s support.

The House Republican-authored continuing resolution Congress cleared by the Senate on Friday night leaves out routine language allowing the capital city’s government to continue raising and spending local funds under its most recent budget. After District of Columbia officials warned that the omission would blow a more-than-$1 billion hole in the city’s budget, Collins and Sen. Chris Van Hollen (D-Md.) crafted the three-page measure to correct it.

“If we allowed this mistake to take place, D.C. will law off cops, it’ll close schools, it’ll shut down on trash removal — for those of us in the region who use metro, dramatic cutbacks,” Sen. Mark Warner (D-Va.) said on the Senate floor.

The Senate vote on the Washington budget measure was secured as part of a broader agreement to speed up passage of the seven-month funding patch Congress cleared ahead of the midnight government shutdown deadline.

District of Columbia Mayor Muriel Bowser noted during a press conference on Capitol Hill earlier this week that the omission is “not savings for the federal government” and “is simply damage to the District,” calling the exclusion a “$1.1 billion mistake.” But House GOP leaders did not opt to address the matter before passing their funding bill Tuesday to keep federal cash flowing through September.

City residents have been calling Senate offices all week, begging lawmakers not to vote on the continuing resolution without addressing the language affecting the District of Columbia’s budget. On Thursday, more than 100 parents and their children visited Senate offices to make their case in person.