Connect with us

Congress

Chuck Schumer’s critics are praising how he’s handled the shutdown. For now.

Published

on

Chuck Schumer ended the last shutdown standoff as a villain to Democrats outraged at his decision to surrender to Republicans. This time, the Senate minority leader has heeded the party base, sparking a showdown that has kept government agencies closed for eight days and counting.

So far, his former critics are impressed. But that doesn’t mean they trust him.

A Blue Light News survey of lawmakers and activists found Schumer has exceeded their low expectations heading into the current shutdown, but they’re still watching his every move closely amid persistent doubts that Senate Democrats will hold the line against the GOP.

“He hasn’t surrendered yet,” said Indivisible co-founder Ezra Levin, who called on Schumer to step down in March. “I call that progress, and we’re cheering him on now.”

Rep. Glenn Ivey (D-Md.), who said in March “it may be time” for Schumer to step aside, is now pleased with the top Senate leader’s coordination with top House Democrat Hakeem Jeffries — at least “at this point.”

“I think it looks great right now,” Ivey said, adding that the collaboration between the two leaders was “moving things in the right direction for both the House and the Senate Democrats.”

The guardedly positive reviews for Schumer’s leadership come as the shutdown fight enters a politically perilous new phase. Real-world impacts of the funding lapse are likely to mount in the coming days, with most federal workers set to miss a paycheck Friday and active-duty troops next Wednesday.

Air travel has been sporadically affected due to shortages in air traffic controllers, and Smithsonian museums are set to close later this week, to name a few of the mounting consequences. All but three Senate Democrats voted Wednesday for the sixth timeagainst a House-passed bill that would reopen the government.

Senior Republicans have put Schumer at the center of their shutdown blame game, asserting that it’s his fear of the Democratic base — and specifically, a possible 2028 primary challenge from Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez — that is prolonging the impasse.

House Majority Leader Steve Scalise accused Schumer Wednesday of “throwing a tantrum”, while Speaker Mike Johnson said the New York Democrat was engaged in “desperate attempts to rehabilitate his own image” by bowing to “the Marxist flank of their party.”

“They’re coming for him,” Johnson said.

There’s some truth to those charges. One House Democrat, granted anonymity to candidly discuss the shutdown dynamics, said they would publicly call for Schumer to give up his leadership post if he folds now.

An aide to a senior House Democrat agreed that the dam could break should that happen, saying a significant number of lawmakers would be inclined to push for Schumer’s ouster.

Back in March, House Democrats united against the GOP spending bill. In the Senate, however, Democrats were divided on how to proceed on legislation that had no guardrails to prevent the White House from clawing back congressionally approved spending.

As the deadline approached to avoid a funding lapse, Schumer capitulated, saying he feared a shutdown could allow President Donald Trump to unleash more havoc on federal agencies and workers. He and nine other Democrats voted to advance the Republican bill.

That prompted a handful of House Democrats to publicly call for Schumer to step aside as leader, with some even mulling whether to back a primary challenger against him. Underscoring the House frustrations, Jeffries conspicuously sidestepped questions about Schumer’s leadership at a news conference.

Now Schumer and Jeffries are in much closer coordination, arguing in lockstep that Trump is dead set on unleashing havoc, shutdown or not. They’re also saying it is imperative for Republicans to address health care as a part of any government funding package — specifically by extending enhanced health insurance subsidies that will expire on Dec. 31 unless Congress acts.

Asked Wednesday whether he was acting out of fear of his party’s left flank, Schumer insisted to reporters that was not the case.

“The bottom line is very simple: We’re fighting for the American people,” he said. “Fifty-five percent of Trump voters, hardly a flank in our party, want [the subsidies extended]. That’s why we’re doing it. We believe that’s our job. The American people are crying out for help.”

Still, there are some divides between the two leaders. Jeffries has noticeably staked out tougher demands and a harsher tone in the shutdown fight than Schumer — arguing, for instance, that any deal on the health subsidy extension needs to be written into “ironclad” legislation. Democrats in both chambers are also demanding an end to “rescissions,” or Trump administration attempts to revoke funding for programs previously enacted by Congress.

Schumer, meanwhile, has resisted drawing red lines as many of his members signal they’d be willing to open up the government for something less than a final enacted health care deal. “I’m not going to negotiate in public,” he said Wednesday. “We have to do something. We have to extend these credits.”

That split between the two leaders has made some of Schumer’s critics distrustful, with many keeping a close eye on the thus-far-infomal bipartisan talks involving some of the Senate Democrats who voted to advance the GOP bill in March.

Wary progressives believe those senators — perhaps with Schumer’s blessing — will agree to reopen the government in exchange for no more than a verbal assurance to continue negotiating an extension to the subsidies that Republicans could renege on later.

“A handshake agreement is capitulation,” Levin said. “Health care and rescission language is the demand, and it’s broadly popular. No reason to cave for less.”

Rep. Troy Carter (D-La.) told reporters last week, “The American people cannot live on promises.”

For now, however, Democrats are reveling in moments of GOP disunity this week exposed by splits on handling the expiring insurance subsidies as well as the Trump administration’s escalating threats against federal employees, including mass firings or the withholding of back pay for furloughed workers. That has only hardened Democrats’ resolve to continue the shutdown.

Sen. Chris Murphy (D-Conn.), who broke with Schumer on the March vote and called on Democrats at that time to “stand up and take some risks,” said this week that he has been pleased by the new tone set at the top.

“A lot of people wondered whether we would be bullied again, and we have not been,” he said. “So I think Sen. Schumer understands the gravity of this moment.”

“The Senate is doing exactly what we need them to do,” added purple-district Rep. Derek Tran (D-Calif.).

But Rep. Jimmy Gomez, another California Democrat, said he was content to watch Schumer manage the politics of his own chamber, saying those threatening to oust him as leader were “just all posturing.”

“It’s easy for us to say that,” he said. “If their own delegation starts turning on them — New York — that’s a different story.”

Jordain Carney contributed to this report.

Continue Reading
Click to comment

Leave a Reply

Your email address will not be published. Required fields are marked *

Congress

The House Ethics Committee wants to do better

Published

on

Three lawmakers accused of serious ethical lapses have been forced to resign in just over a week, prompting even members of the House Ethics Committee to question whether the panel is up to the task of policing its own.

The committee is at a moment of reckoning as it seeks to prove itself ready, willing and able to root out bad behavior in its ranks. It’s spent the past year and a half rebuilding its reputation after internal disagreements about how to handle an ethics report over ex-Rep. Matt Gaetz spilled into the public and threatened the bipartisan panel’s credibility.

Now, amid the high-profile resignations of Rep. Eric Swalwell (D-Calif.), Tony Gonzales (R-Texas) and Sheila Cherfilus-McCormick (D-Fla.), members who sit on the highly secretive committee are opening up — eager to share their perspectives, acknowledge their limitations and defend their work.

“The reality is we are still too slow, and I believe that we should be moving faster. I’ve expressed some of my recommendations on how we can do that to staff,” said Rep. Suhas Subramanyam (D-Va.), who joined the Ethics Committee this Congress, in an interview. “I want people to take the Ethics Committee more seriously.”

In extended interviews Monday and Tuesday, Ethics Chair Michael Guest (R-Miss.) said his panel is hamstrung by the House’s institutional bureaucracy.

“I’ve been asked, you know, could the Ethics Committee, if there were additional resources provided to the committee, would that help us move cases through quickly? And of course, the answer to that is yes,” Guest said. “But you know, it has to be up to leadership. It has to be up to the Speaker and the Minority Leader as to the size of the staff that they would like to see the Ethics Committee command.”

Their comments come amid questions around how Gonzales and Swalwell were able to serve in office for so long unchecked: Both were accused of engaging in sexual misconduct with former staffers, with Swalwell accused of rape. Each stepped down before the Ethics Committee ever had a chance to render findings of fault and enact punishments.

Cherfilus-McCormick also resigned moments before the Ethics Committee was due to meet Tuesday afternoon to consider a punishment for a determination that she illicitly funneled millions to support her campaign, which could have culminated in a recommendation of expulsion.

Now attention is turning to Rep. Cory Mills (R-Fla.), who stands accused of numerous violations, including illicitly engaging in government contracts while in federal office and threatening to release a former girlfriend’s nude videos. He has maintained he has no plans to resign as his case before the Ethics Committee has languished without resolution.

In November, the House Ethics panel quietly requested the Office of Congressional Conduct — the quasi-independent office that fields and investigates complaints against members and staff from the public — to drop its probe into Mills, according to a person with knowledge of the ethics process who was granted anonymity to describe the confidential process. That message was transmitted to the OCC the same day the House voted to effectively table a resolution offered by Rep. Nancy Mace (R-S.C.) to censure Mills for various alleged improprieties.

The OCC was established in 2008 by then-Speaker Nancy Pelosi (D-Calif.), and proponents say it provides a necessary, largely independent set of eyes — including on ongoing investigations. Critics view the OCC as an untrustworthy political group; it sat defanged for months this Congress before Speaker Mike Johnson brought a perfunctory measure to the House floor that set up its ability to launch investigations by appointing its board.

Guest declined to discuss details of the Mills case but did not deny that such a request had been made, saying it was standard practice for Ethics to take the reins on a probe from OCC “once an investigative subcommittee is established.”

He conceded the Ethics Committee at times may operate slower than some would like, but its process was deliberate and thorough. “If members want this to be a rush committee where we have two weeks to come up with a report and return that report back to the body, then I’m not the right person to be serving in that room.”

He did say he hoped to discuss with Johnson how to improve the panel’s operations. One continued challenge for members is the loss of jurisdiction once a lawmaker resigns from Congress, which has historically meant the committee stops its investigation and does not release a report of its findings. Guest proposed a new policy where a report could be made public upon a lawmaker’s resignation, meaning bad actors could not always leave office in order to hide from revelations about their misdeeds.

Rep. Mark DeSaulnier of California, the top Democrat on the Ethics Committee, said the committee could better handle cases of sexual misconduct and has spoken to Democratic leadership about modernizing the panel.

“I think on sexual harassment, [the] thing that occurs to me is that there should be one place to go that’s clear to report, that has enough staff, and they’re been very well trained in the subject area, so that people feel like there’s a place they can go and be safe, protected,” he said. “And then there’s a due process that responds in a way that is deliberative, but under the urgency of circumstances.”

This is an area where the Ethics Committee has, in recent weeks, found itself struggling to respond to public pressure. When the House was poised in March to vote on a measure brought by Mace that would have compelled the committee to make information on sexual harassment claims public, Guest and DeSaulnier said in a statement it would have a chilling effect for victims. The resolution was ultimately tabled.

On Monday, the panel released a statement reaffirming its commitment to taking allegations of sexual misconduct seriously — and a list of publicly disclosed sexual misconduct investigations dating back to 1976. Many of those cases were closed without resolution because the member under scrutiny resigned from office before the committee could conclude the case.

One lawmaker who has served on the Ethics Committee, who requested anonymity to describe the panel’s private operations, argued that disclosure of sexual misconduct cases can harm potential victims who may not want their cases brought before the panel in the first place.

This explanation is largely falling on deaf ears from members who want more transparency and accountability, though, with Rep. Anna Paulina Luna (R-Fla.) calling the Monday release of previously disclosed sexual misconduct allegations against House members an inadequate “cleanup job.”

Rep. Glenn Ivey (D-Md.), a member of the Ethics Committee and a former federal prosecutor, suggested that improving the panel’s internal systems for handling sexual harassment claims might be a lost cause.

“I think the ugly truth is there’s no process that handles this well that I’ve seen, whether it’s state courts, federal courts, internal corporate investigations, Congress or the Senate,” he said.

Continue Reading

Congress

Senate launches budget debate

Published

on

Senate Republicans opened debate Tuesday on a fiscal blueprint meant to pave the way for passage of a party-line immigration enforcement funding bill later this year.

The Senate voted 52-46 to advance the budget resolution, which Budget Chair Lindsey Graham (R-S.C.) unveiled earlier Tuesday. It instructs House and Senate committees to write legislation expected to deliver about $70 billion to Immigration and Customs Enforcement and other agencies.

The Senate is expected to give the measure final approval this week before leaving town. The chamber could move to a marathon voting session, known as a vote-a-rama, as soon as Wednesday, though plenty of Republicans are betting that it won’t start until Thursday.

Continue Reading

Congress

Cherfilus-McCormick resigns amid ethics investigation

Published

on

Rep. Sheila Cherfilus-McCormick (D-Fla.) has resigned in the face of corruption charges at home and calls for her ouster in Washington, she announced in a statement on Tuesday.

News broke minutes before the House Ethics Committee was about to meet for a public hearing Tuesday afternoon to determine a punishment for the third-term Democrat, who was charged with stealing $5 million in Covid relief funds.

Cherfilus-McCormick said in a statement the Ethics proceedings did not constitute a “fair process” and that she was “choos[ing] to step aside” rather than “play these political games.”

Continue Reading

Trending