Politics

When being mentioned for a White House job is almost as good as getting the job itself

Published

1 year ago

November 16, 2024

When Kevin McCarthy’s name circulated for months as a “dark horse candidate” to be Donald Trump’s chief of staff, the former House speaker didn’t embrace the possibility — but he didn’t deny his interest, either.

His noncommittal posture was part of a time-honored Washington tradition that’s gone into overdrive in the leadup to Trump’s second inauguration: People in the private sector who reap the benefits of being name-checked for high-level administration jobs, even if the idea they would be chosen for or accept a role amounts to little more than speculation.

In short: If the buzz doesn’t result in a new job, the appearance of proximity to power can result in new business. Getting mentioned for an administration job is almost as good as getting the job itself.

The phenomenon is a quintessential part of the launch of a new administration, though few if any are willing to admit it’s a tactic they themselves have employed. A new cast of characters is jockeying around town to be seen as close to the incoming White House so that they can collect hefty sums from those seeking to influence policy-making. McCarthy isn’t lobbying, but being floated for a powerful White House job can’t hurt his new paid-speeches gig.

Lobbyists and business consultants in particular are looking to sell any connection they can to the president’s inner circle. Jeff Forbes, a political operative who founded the lobbying firm Forbes Tate Partners, said the practice is a common P.R. strategy for those looking to grow their business downtown.

“This is one of the oldest games in Washington,” said the lobbyist. “Best-case scenario you’re picked, and worst-case scenario you end up looking pretty attractive to potential clients.”

There’s no better time than the present for people with legitimate knowledge of the Trump orbit. Ivan Adler, a recruiter dubbed the “Lobbyist Hunter,” said there was lots of hunger for people with connections to the incoming president. In fact, business was so good for K Street during Trump’s last administration that lobbyists close to him were able to set up successful and enduring shops in Washington. Among them were Brian Ballard and Jeff Miller, who have since become two of the biggest figures on K Street.

Another twist: If a lobbyist’s colleague is selected for a prominent post in the administration, that lobbyist’s stock also rises — an inside connection in the White House is an enormous asset to present to prospective clients. And so personnel decisions can have a big ripple effect on who’s up and who’s down on K Street.

“Everyone’s got a different approach to marketing, but that’s just what it is: marketing,” said one longtime Republican lobbyist granted anonymity to speak freely. “It’s a tale as old as time.”

Some names often seem to make the rounds in the lead-up to a Republican Inauguration Day. Among them is Wayne Berman, who leads Blackstone’s government affairs team and whose name was most recently raised for deputy Treasury secretary. Former Trump Interior Secretary David Bernhardt, who has been working as a policy adviser at the lobbying giant Brownstein Hyatt Farber Schreck, was floated as a sleeper candidate for chief of staff (even though Trump’s de facto campaign manager Susie Wiles was widely seen as the frontrunner), attorney general, or Interior secretary.

“Being perceived as being plugged in with a new in-crowd is good for business and social invitations,” said Bruce Mehlman, a Republican lobbyist who runs his own shop and emphasized this was not a tactic he used. “That’s just a truism that we know.”

The D.C. strategy of name-floating in the press has a long history. But it can be a risky play, especially in Trump’s orbit, where getting ahead of the president or putting one’s own ambitions before his is among the gravest sins.

President-elect Donald Trump is notoriously hostile to those who are believed to have leaked to the media.

Trump is notoriously hostile to those who are believed to have leaked to the media, and Trump allies expressed deep skepticism of those who tipped off the press to their own names. Although it is a powerful marketing strategy, it does not speak to their real influence, the Trump allies said.

“People use [the] transition to gin up their profile knowing full well that they have no opportunity to join this transition,” said one former campaign official. “I think people need to be skeptical when they read names.”

There are other benefits to getting one’s name in the press beyond an immediate payday. Invitations to exclusive parties can pick up, and bragging rights among colleagues can be secured. A group of Trump allies recently received a message about Rep. Thomas Massie’s (R-Ky.) name circulating for Agriculture Secretary and laughed at the suggestion, added the former campaign official, who was granted anonymity to speak freely. Massie had backed Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis in the Republican primary and was looking to rehabilitate his image, the person suggested. (A spokesperson for Massie did not return a request for comment.)

“People who float their names out are not in the mix,” said one former Trump administration staffer who’s now a lobbyist. Typically those people “aren’t as close to the center” as they would have others believe. “I think you’ll have a lot of those types in this administration.”

Even before the election, a person close to McCarthy suggested that the former Speaker was satisfied with his new post outside government, while his name was still circulating for various positions.

“I still think he’s pretty happy,” said the person close to McCarthy.

There could still be a payoff for McCarthy after trading his gavel to be a different kind of speaker. The former California congressman enlisted an agency to help him land speaking engagements. Among his clients: the American Hospital Association, the French bank BNP Paribas, and snack industry trade association SNAC International.

McCarthy has spent years working his way back into Trump’s good graces, following the fraying of their relationship after McCarthy publicly said that Trump was at least partly to blame for the riot at the Capitol on Jan. 6. And after the former speaker’s ouster, his juice in Washington had significantly dried up.

But more recently, McCarthy has repaired his bond with the incoming president. And having his name in the running for chief of staff has offered a renewed kind of relevancy.

Politics

They once called him a ‘goose-stepping extremist.’ They’re now sitting out his comeback bid.

Published

5 hours ago

March 22, 2026

Blue Light Newsroom

When Brandon Herrera ran for Congress in 2024, the Republican Jewish Coalition called him “a goose-stepping extremist” and spent big to take him down. Two years later, he’s the presumptive GOP nominee — and his former foes are staying home as the GOP establishment moves to embrace him.

Herrera, a gun shop owner and popular YouTuber known as “The AKGuy” running in Texas’ 23rd Congressional District, has faced widespread criticism for past videos in which he mimics a Nazi march to Nazi music, jokes about the Holocaust and boasts about his 1939 edition of “Mein Kampf.” His 2024 opponent, Rep. Tony Gonzales (R-Texas) called him a “known neo-Nazi,” a characterization Herrera disputes. Concern over Herrera’s comments were so severe that the American Israel Public Affairs Committee’s United Democracy Project spent more than $1 million two years ago and the Republican Jewish Coalition spent close to $400,000 to sink his campaign.

But now, a scandal forced Gonzales to drop out of the runoff, and Herrera is the GOP nominee in the sprawling, GOP-leaning Texas border district, which President Donald Trump carried by a 17-point margin in 2024.

And faced with the choice of a candidate they’ve long accused of antisemitism and a Democrat, these pro-Israel and Jewish groups are thus far choosing to sit on their hands.

AIPAC, which backs both Democratic and Republican pro-Israel candidates and usually focuses its efforts in primaries, has not endorsed in the race. AIPAC spokesperson Deryn Sousa said in a statement only that the group would “continue to assess where candidates across the country stand on issues that affect the U.S.-Israel partnership.”

And the RJC, which only supports Republican candidates, won’t get involved. “The RJC has a longstanding policy of speaking out against those who traffic in Nazi ideology, and this is another case,” said RJC political director and spokesperson Sam Markstein. “The RJC opposed Mr. Herrera in 2024, and he will not get our support now.”

But Markstein made clear it was likely they would sit the race out rather than oppose him in the general election. “We’ve never supported a Democrat, so that should tell you everything you need to know,” he said.

In the weeks since Herrera finished as the top vote-getter in Texas’ March 4 primary and Gonzales dropped out, the GOP establishment has largely embraced Herrera.

Last week, as lawmakers and donors socialized during a glitzy Mar-a-Lago fundraiser for the House Freedom Caucus, which backed him in the primary, Herrera made a triumphant appearance, according to an attendee granted anonymity to detail a private event and another attendee’s post on social media. Trump announced his endorsement on social media the same night.

“Brandon is strongly supported by many Highly Respected MAGA Warriors in Texas, and Republicans in the US House,” Trump wrote. “HE WILL NEVER LET YOU DOWN!”

Speaker Mike Johnson and House GOP leadership followed a week later, calling him an “America First grassroots leader” in a joint statement Thursday.

Trump’s endorsement brings “a little bit of comfort” to pro-Israel GOP donors who view Trump as a loyal ally, said Gabriel Groisman, a Florida-based GOP donor active in pro-Israel circles. “We trust the president and his team in their vetting of congressional candidates,” Groisman said. “But it doesn’t mean we don’t ask questions and we don’t dig further.”And Groisman said that the “ugly truth about politics” is Jewish Republican donors are now faced with the option of him or a Democrat, rather than another Republican. “So the question is whether it’s better to have him in [office], or not. That’s a very, very difficult question to answer.”

Herrera criticized AIPAC’s spending against him in 2024, calling it “Israel first bullshit.” “I’m not anti-Israel, I’m anti Israel buying American elections,” he wrote on social media.

He has also been critical of U.S. policy toward Israel, arguing American taxpayers should not have to pay for military aid to Israel. We shouldn’t be spending a cent of taxpayer dollars on anything that is not either an investment or right here in the United States,” he said in a speech, Israel National News reported. “I don’t hate my neighbor just because I don’t want to pay his power bill. If they want to buy rockets from us, let’s sell to them.”

Republicans’ embrace of Herrera shows how seriously the GOP values maintaining control of the House this cycle, even as some Republicans warn of growing antisemitism within their own ranks.

Herrera’s campaign has continued to publicly push back on criticisms of his social media history, which they contend are taken out of context from his “work as a historical firearms educator” and omitting extended clips that include “comments ridiculing and condemning Hitler’s book.”

“The accusations against Brandon were bizarre and false, manufactured by a desperate political opponent who misleadingly cut and pasted together disparate video clips,” Herrera campaign manager Kimmie Gonzalez said in a statement.

Groisman, the Florida-based donor, said Herrera’s allies are working to assuage concerns about his past statements through outreach to Jewish and pro-Israel donors in Texas and beyond.

“They’re trying to send them what he has actually said, versus what people say he said, which they seem to claim that there’s a big delta there,” Groisman said. “The concern is, are we, as a Republican Party, allowing in another potential Thomas Massie-type figure? Nobody knows the answer to that question.” Massie, a Republican member of the House from Kentucky, has been an outspoken critic of Trump and Israel.

Herrera’s campaign confirmed he is looking for dialogue with those same groups that have attacked him for years — including the RJC.

Katie Padilla Stout, the Democratic nominee in the district, has said that Herrera has “consistently been on the wrong side of history,” citing content from his YouTube videos that mocked veterans and another video in which he tested Nazi weaponry. Padilla Stout has started to make allegations of antisemitism core to her attacks on her Republican opponent, as outside Democratic groups — like the House Majority PAC — use his past videos as attacks.

“Given his documented history of apparent anti-semitism, it’s no surprise our campaign has received an outpouring of support from people from all across the district and from both sides of the aisle, including support from the Jewish community,” Padilla Stout’s campaign manager, Yolitzma Aguirre, said in a statement.

Some of the Republican officeholders who have warned loudly about growing antisemitism within their party dodged when asked about Herrera.

Sen. Lindsey Graham (R-S.C.) has vowed to take on any Republican congressional candidate who espoused antisemitism, but when asked about Herrera said “I don’t know what you’re talking about, in terms of what he said.”

Sen. Ted Cruz (R-Texas), who denounced podcaster Nick Fuentes as a “goose-stepping Nazi” during a speech last week, has stayed out of the primary, even as he endorsed in other U.S. House races in his state. He said questions about Herrera’s statements or actions should be directed to Herrera himself.

“I haven’t seen the video you’re discussing, and so you’re welcome to ask him those questions,” Cruz said in a brief interview last week.

When asked how he would advise Texas voters to cast their ballot in Herrera’s race, Cruz refused to answer. “Those are the exact same questions a Democrat tracker would ask,” Cruz said before walking away. His office declined to elaborate on his answers.

While Republicans circle the wagons or duck the topic, a Jewish Democratic group that rarely plays in districts like this is thinking about investing in trying to defeat Herrera.

The Jewish Democratic Council of America is considering getting involved in the heavily Republican district, which would deviate from their norm of engaging only in districts with significant Jewish voter populations.

“If there was ever a chance that a Democrat could win a seat like this, maybe it’s in these midterms,” said JDCA president Hailie Soifer. “So it is something we’re looking at. Certainly it is a priority for us to defeat Trump-endorsed neo-Nazis, like this candidate.”