Politics
When being mentioned for a White House job is almost as good as getting the job itself
When Kevin McCarthy’s name circulated for months as a “dark horse candidate” to be Donald Trump’s chief of staff, the former House speaker didn’t embrace the possibility — but he didn’t deny his interest, either.
His noncommittal posture was part of a time-honored Washington tradition that’s gone into overdrive in the leadup to Trump’s second inauguration: People in the private sector who reap the benefits of being name-checked for high-level administration jobs, even if the idea they would be chosen for or accept a role amounts to little more than speculation.
In short: If the buzz doesn’t result in a new job, the appearance of proximity to power can result in new business. Getting mentioned for an administration job is almost as good as getting the job itself.
The phenomenon is a quintessential part of the launch of a new administration, though few if any are willing to admit it’s a tactic they themselves have employed. A new cast of characters is jockeying around town to be seen as close to the incoming White House so that they can collect hefty sums from those seeking to influence policy-making. McCarthy isn’t lobbying, but being floated for a powerful White House job can’t hurt his new paid-speeches gig.
Lobbyists and business consultants in particular are looking to sell any connection they can to the president’s inner circle. Jeff Forbes, a political operative who founded the lobbying firm Forbes Tate Partners, said the practice is a common P.R. strategy for those looking to grow their business downtown.
“This is one of the oldest games in Washington,” said the lobbyist. “Best-case scenario you’re picked, and worst-case scenario you end up looking pretty attractive to potential clients.”
There’s no better time than the present for people with legitimate knowledge of the Trump orbit. Ivan Adler, a recruiter dubbed the “Lobbyist Hunter,” said there was lots of hunger for people with connections to the incoming president. In fact, business was so good for K Street during Trump’s last administration that lobbyists close to him were able to set up successful and enduring shops in Washington. Among them were Brian Ballard and Jeff Miller, who have since become two of the biggest figures on K Street.
Another twist: If a lobbyist’s colleague is selected for a prominent post in the administration, that lobbyist’s stock also rises — an inside connection in the White House is an enormous asset to present to prospective clients. And so personnel decisions can have a big ripple effect on who’s up and who’s down on K Street.
“Everyone’s got a different approach to marketing, but that’s just what it is: marketing,” said one longtime Republican lobbyist granted anonymity to speak freely. “It’s a tale as old as time.”
Some names often seem to make the rounds in the lead-up to a Republican Inauguration Day. Among them is Wayne Berman, who leads Blackstone’s government affairs team and whose name was most recently raised for deputy Treasury secretary. Former Trump Interior Secretary David Bernhardt, who has been working as a policy adviser at the lobbying giant Brownstein Hyatt Farber Schreck, was floated as a sleeper candidate for chief of staff (even though Trump’s de facto campaign manager Susie Wiles was widely seen as the frontrunner), attorney general, or Interior secretary.
“Being perceived as being plugged in with a new in-crowd is good for business and social invitations,” said Bruce Mehlman, a Republican lobbyist who runs his own shop and emphasized this was not a tactic he used. “That’s just a truism that we know.”
The D.C. strategy of name-floating in the press has a long history. But it can be a risky play, especially in Trump’s orbit, where getting ahead of the president or putting one’s own ambitions before his is among the gravest sins.

Trump is notoriously hostile to those who are believed to have leaked to the media, and Trump allies expressed deep skepticism of those who tipped off the press to their own names. Although it is a powerful marketing strategy, it does not speak to their real influence, the Trump allies said.
“People use [the] transition to gin up their profile knowing full well that they have no opportunity to join this transition,” said one former campaign official. “I think people need to be skeptical when they read names.”
There are other benefits to getting one’s name in the press beyond an immediate payday. Invitations to exclusive parties can pick up, and bragging rights among colleagues can be secured. A group of Trump allies recently received a message about Rep. Thomas Massie’s (R-Ky.) name circulating for Agriculture Secretary and laughed at the suggestion, added the former campaign official, who was granted anonymity to speak freely. Massie had backed Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis in the Republican primary and was looking to rehabilitate his image, the person suggested. (A spokesperson for Massie did not return a request for comment.)
“People who float their names out are not in the mix,” said one former Trump administration staffer who’s now a lobbyist. Typically those people “aren’t as close to the center” as they would have others believe. “I think you’ll have a lot of those types in this administration.”
Even before the election, a person close to McCarthy suggested that the former Speaker was satisfied with his new post outside government, while his name was still circulating for various positions.
“I still think he’s pretty happy,” said the person close to McCarthy.
There could still be a payoff for McCarthy after trading his gavel to be a different kind of speaker. The former California congressman enlisted an agency to help him land speaking engagements. Among his clients: the American Hospital Association, the French bank BNP Paribas, and snack industry trade association SNAC International.
McCarthy has spent years working his way back into Trump’s good graces, following the fraying of their relationship after McCarthy publicly said that Trump was at least partly to blame for the riot at the Capitol on Jan. 6. And after the former speaker’s ouster, his juice in Washington had significantly dried up.
But more recently, McCarthy has repaired his bond with the incoming president. And having his name in the running for chief of staff has offered a renewed kind of relevancy.
Politics
Pete Buttigieg’s 2026 project
MIDLAND, Michigan — Pete Buttigieg is known for going everywhere to get his message out in the media. In 2026, he’s taking that strategy offline, too, traveling virtually everywhere.
A source close to Buttigieg tells Playbook he’s spent half of 2026 on the road, hitting 10 states so far — including battleground states Georgia, Nevada, Pennsylvania, Wisconsin and his adopted home state Michigan, plus a multiday swing across for-now-first-in-the-nation New Hampshire. And he’s not yet hawking books like some of his would-be 2028 rivals. He’s stumping for candidates up and down the ballot.
While potential 2028ers like Illinois Gov. JB Pritzker and Pennsylvania Gov. Josh Shapiro focus on flexing midterm-year dominance in their own backyards, Buttigieg is embarking on a more national project to position himself as a super surrogate not confined to specific geography or demographics. It’s a strategy that could help him counter the base of power that comes from holding elected office.
Buttigieg laid out his midterm strategy to Playbook in an exclusive interview after gripping and grinning and taking selfies along a ropeline: “The basic idea is to make myself useful to candidates and causes that I care about and that we all need to succeed,” he said at Mi Element Grains & Grounds, a combination microbrewery, bakery and coffeehouse, after launching a canvassing effort backing Chedrick Greene in a special election to determine control of the Michigan state Senate.
“Every kind of state, red, blue and purple, there are races going on and fights going on that I want to make sure I’m part of,” Buttigieg told Playbook. “And they are all often very different from each other, but what they have in common is leaders who are very rooted in a sense of place. They’re very much of where they’re from, and I think represent a big part of what the future for Democrats is going to look like.”
Buttigieg has increased his engagement with Black candidates like Greene and the community more broadly, addressing a perceived weakness. In Alabama, Buttigieg joined civil rights leaders and community members in Selma for the Bridge Crossing Jubilee and Anniversary of Bloody Sunday, and made remarks at a unity breakfast and Tabernacle Baptist Church. In Birmingham, he joined a roundtable with business owners from the Historic 4th Avenue Business District.
A source familiar with Buttigieg’s past outreach to the Black community described his efforts a “natural extension” of his work on his 2020 presidential campaign and in the Biden administration.
“It’s a recognition that engagement in those spaces and showing up in 2026 is going to be a huge indicator of who’s going to be the leader of this party,” this person, granted anonymity to candidly appraise Buttigieg’s approach, told Blue Light News. “I think it’s really smart to think along those lines, and to show, right? Not just talk about it, but to actually show and demonstrate it.”
He also campaigned for Shawn Harris in former Rep. Marjorie Taylor Greene’s deep-red Georgia congressional district, and gave an interview to Black creator Hood Anchor Ye alongside Rep. Nikema Williams. He also attended Sen. Raphael Warnock’s Ebenezer Baptist Church, where he received a very warm welcome.
“I’m very focused on coalition right now, and that includes pillars of our Democratic coalition, like the building trades workers I was with in Toledo or in Nevada, and certainly Black voters who were so vital to the past, present and future of the party,” Buttigieg said.
A February Emerson poll found Buttigieg had about 6 percent support among Black voters; California Gov. Gavin Newsom had 17 percent and former VP Kamala Harris had 36 percent.
“He had a remarkable run in 2020 and ultimately, one of the, perhaps the greatest obstacle, is that he didn’t have much of a relationship with African American voters,” David Axelrod, the former strategist for former President Barack Obama and longtime Buttigieg ally, told Playbook. “And the fact that he’s spending a lot of time communing with Black voters across the country even if in the service of the midterm elections, is a reflection that he’s not headed for early retirement.”
There is also, of course, the fact that Buttigieg has a newly crafted stump speech that walks an average voter through their day and overlays his policy hopes for them, something reminiscent of James Joyce’s “Ulysses”. “I don’t want to overdo that, but yes, as you know, my whole thing is the politics of everyday life. And one way to get that across is to just literally walk through everyday life and all of the hundreds of moments in that day that are shaped by political choices.”
Asked about whether he thought the narrative of his struggles with Black voters matched the
reality of what he was seeing on the ground, Buttigieg redirected. “This year is very much not about me,” he said. “What it’s really all part of for me is where are there leaders that I can help and where it’s going to make a difference to engage.”
Beyond that, Buttigieg’s travels and how he’s talking is revealing about his potential trajectory: For starters, he’s laser-focused on building a majority Democratic governing coalition. He used the word no fewer than 10 times.
Buttigieg insisted that Democrats “should be able to build a supermajority coalition” based on the party’s platform. He has noted in the past most Americans support paid family leave, raising the federal minimum wage, raising taxes on the wealthy, universal background checks, and a public health insurance option. “If we can’t get those two-thirds supported positions over 50 percent that means we’re missing something in terms of the coalition we built.”
But as potential candidates like Newsom seek to emulate Trump’s smashmouth social media style, Buttigieg is more focused on creating a Democratic version of MAGA’s sweeping coalition. That means Buttigieg’s 2026 project is to build a big tent in nature — not a matter of pure ideology. In Pennsylvania, for example, Buttigieg held a well-attended event with Bob Brooks, the bellwether Lehigh Valley Democratic congressional candidate running to flip Pennsylvania’s 7th Congressional District. Brooks, a Pennsylvania firefighter, supports Medicare for All, which Buttigieg opposed in his presidential run.
“It is really important that we understand what it means that this president stitched together this very unlikely crew that includes traditional Republicans, Libertarians, authoritarians and white nationalists,” Buttigieg said. “We have to have a bigger, better, different coalition.”
In the next few weeks, Buttigieg is expected to cross another battleground off his list, with a stop in North Carolina where he’ll campaign for Democrats, as well as two redder states: a town hall in Oklahoma and a stop in Montana, where he is planning to boost “The Montana Plan,” a ballot initiative to curtail corporations from spending money on political candidates or ballot issues.
“We’re trying to get everywhere we can,” Buttigieg said. “Including places in the same way that — you know, I think Fox News is this kind of place — places where people don’t hear enough from us, because I think there are potential members of our coalition to be found.”
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