Congress
Top Senate GOP defense hawk has Pentagon budget boost plan — with sunnier post-Trump-win prospects
Sen. Roger Wicker, one of Capitol Hill’s most vocal defense hawks, will soon get the chance to pursue a larger Pentagon budget — and it stands a much better chance with Donald Trump headed back to the White House.
The Mississippi Republican is poised to chair the Armed Services Committee after the GOP romped in Tuesday’s Senate elections. And he brings to the role a plan for tens of billions of dollars in new military spending to expand the Navy and Air Force, modernize the nuclear arsenal and ramp up defense manufacturing.
“We’re not where we need to be in our Navy and our Air Force,” Wicker told Mississippi’s WAPT News in an election night interview. “So that’s going to be an opportunity for me as chairman of the Armed Services Committee, if this majority that’s been projected does hold, to work across the aisle … and build up our military so we can stay out of war.”
Though Wicker, who has been the top Armed Services Republican since 2023, might have the inside track with a Trump administration on spending, he’ll also be one of the most prominent GOP advocates of continuing to arm Ukraine. As chair, he’d likely need to navigate differences between defense hawks and Trump on whether to continue aid.
Budget battle plan: Wicker laid out his preferred roadmap for defense in the spring, urging the U.S. to make “a short-term generational investment” to deter an increasingly cooperative Russia, China, North Korea and Iran, which he has termed an “Axis of Aggressors.”
The plan proposes a $55 billion hike over President Joe Biden’s most recent defense budget request, eventually ramping up to 5 percent of gross domestic product — which would bring annual military spending to more than $1 trillion. Within that, Wicker wants to expand shipyard and industrial capacity to more quickly achieve a 355-ship Navy and expand the Air Force by blocking the retirement of some aircraft and adding 340 fighters over five years.
Wicker won an initial round in June when a bipartisan coalition in the Armed Services Committee voted to increase the price tag of its annual defense policy bill by $25 billion.
That heightened spending may not come to fruition this year, as extra funding would break budget caps agreed to last year and could see opposition from fiscal hardliners in the House. But it showed bipartisan support for a larger military budget that Wicker could capitalize on as chair.
A Trump roadmap? Perhaps just as importantly, some experts argue Wicker’s detailed budget blueprint could provide the GOP administration with fodder for at least their initial defense budget request. While the full extent of Trump’s Pentagon plans isn’t yet clear, confirming top officials and other issues could constrain his first-year spending blueprint.
“They’re going to probably want to go to people whom they trust more and lean on them,” said Bradley Bowman, a former Senate Republican aide who is now a senior director with the Foundation for Defense of Democracies. “And that would be Sen. Wicker.”
Though hawks have muscled through defense increases in divided government, Wicker has criticized Biden’s spending plans as unserious. He likened raising the Pentagon budget under a Democratic White House “pulling teeth” and suggested a GOP president would be more committed to the cause.
“We’re going to have to increase our national defense to keep us out of a war,” Wicker said in a recent interview with conservative radio host Hugh Hewitt. “The idea is to keep the peace by being so strong nobody will take a chance on us.”
Ukraine campaigner: Wicker — a vocal GOP advocate for Ukraine aid alongside Senate Minority Leader Mitch McConnell — urged Biden to use his final days to step up support for Kyiv. He wants faster weapons transfers and looser restrictions on strikes inside Russia, arguing the administration’s limits have left Kyiv “hamstrung.”
While it would be easy for Wicker to confront another Democratic administration for not giving Ukraine what it needs, it’s an open question how he would approach Trump, who has opposed more U.S. spending and has instead said he aims to broker an end to the conflict before he even takes office.
Observers say Wicker is likely to keep those differences behind closed doors.
Bowman argued that Wicker’s “unimpeachable conservative credentials” could help him make an argument on the value of NATO and arming Ukraine. Mackenzie Eaglen, a senior fellow at the American Enterprise Institute, noted that while there’s still considerable Republican support for arming Ukraine, a potential Trump administration must be convinced to ask for more aid. That could occur, she argued, if the White House is convinced it hastens an end to the war with Russia.
“If their team can be convinced that a last and final surge of military assistance for Ukraine — that is almost entirely spent here in the United States — strengthens Ukraine’s position in a negotiated settlement to end the war, then it is possible,” Eaglen said. “I suspect this will be attempted in private as long as possible to see what comes over in a [fiscal 2026] White House budget request and whether it includes a supplemental.”
Congress
Trump’s plan to ‘take over’ Gaza Strip confuses GOP lawmakers
President Donald Trump’s vague vow that the United States will “take over the Gaza Strip” is sparking quick pushback, and confusion, among some of his key allies in the Senate GOP.
Trump provided no details during a press conference on Tuesday with Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu about how the United States would acquire the land, but said that the United States will “own it and be responsible.” Many lawmakers were learning about the remarks in real time as they headed to a vote on confirming Pam Bondi for attorney general Tuesday night.
“There’s probably a couple of kinks in that slinky,” Sen. Thom Tillis (R-N.C.) said after a reporter described the rough parameters of what Trump had said.
Another GOP senator, granted anonymity to give his candid reaction to Trump’s comments, was equally direct: “I did not have this on my bingo card. … I got so many questions.”
Senate Majority Leader John Thune said in a brief interview that he hadn’t seen the statement, but that “I think we’re obviously all interested in facilitating a solution to the Middle East, particularly with the whole situation in Gaza.”
“How we best achieve that I think is still — it’s a subject of conversation, sounds like he’s got an idea on that,” he added.
It’s the latest in a growing list of examples of Trump catching congressional Republicans off guard with his actions or rhetoric — a call back to his first administration when GOP lawmakers frequently claimed they hadn’t seen Trump’s latest tweet or comment.
Senate Foreign Relations Chair Jim Risch (R-Idaho) said he had not heard Trump’s remarks and so “I don’t want to comment.” Sen. John Cornyn (R-Texas) said that “I don’t really know what to make of that” and joked that reporters should check back with him on Wednesday.
Other allies tried to walk a careful line between not shutting the door to Trump but also signaling their skepticism about taking over the Gaza Strip.
“We’ll see what our Arab friends say about that. I think most South Carolinians would probably not be excited about sending Americans to take over Gaza. I think that might be problematic, but I’ll keep an open mind,” said Sen. Lindsey Graham (R-S.C.).
Asked about sending U.S. troops, he added that Gaza “would be a tough place to be stationed as an American.”
Sen. John Hoeven (R-N.D.), who noted he still had to take a look at the comments, said Trump might be doing this as a negotiating tactic. He added that maybe the president is trying to “force a resolution” on a “very difficult issue.”
“I don’t know that I think it’s the best use of United States resources to spend a bunch of money in Gaza, I think maybe I’d prefer that to be spent in the United States first,” Sen. Josh Hawley said. “But let’s see what happens.”
When asked if he thought sending US troops to Gaza was the right solution, the Missouri Republican said he did not.
While Democrats were largely critical of Trump’s remarks, one appeared to open the door to a potential American presence in Gaza: Sen. John Fetterman. The Pennsylvanian, who has been vocally supportive of Israel, called Trump’s remarks “provocative” but added that “it’s part of a conversation and that’s where we are.”
Asked if he wanted to see U.S. involvement physically in Israel, including troops on the ground, he added: “They’ll certainly be a part of it. I don’t know what the role is. But they’re obviously a part of it.”
Progressives were much more critical. Michigan Rep. Rashida Tliab, the only Palestinian American member of Congress, said in a post on X that Trump was “openly calling for ethnic cleansing,” adding: “He’s perfectly fine cutting off working Americans from federal funds while the funding to the Israeli government continues flowing.”
Congress
Senate confirms Bondi for Attorney General
President Donald Trump’s nominee for attorney general, Pam Bondi, was confirmed by the Senate Tuesday evening, 54-46.
Bondi, a staunch Trump loyalist, will now assume the role of top federal prosecutor. She is poised to be a key figure in efforts to transform the Department of Justice, which the president has said he intends to use to go after his political adversaries.
As Bondi awaited Senate confirmation, the new Trump administration, under acting attorney general James McHenry, has already launched its broad effort to root out those deemed disloyal from the Department of Justice. Prosecutors involved in cases tied to the Jan. 6, 2021 attack on the Capitol, and the investigation into Trump’s role in spurring the riots, have been terminated.
When confirmed, Ms. Bondi will take the helm [at] what we all know is a turbulent time and also a Justice Department infected with political decision-making and its leaders refusing to acknowledge that reality,” said Senate Judiciary Chair Chuck Grassley (R-Iowa) on the Senate floor ahead of the vote.
The former Florida attorney general previously served as a lawyer to the President during his first impeachment trial and assisted the effort to overturn the results of the 2020 election in Pennsylvania. Democrats had seemingly accepted her confirmation as an inevitability when they instead used her hearing to probe Bondi on her response to comments made by another Trump acolyte who could likely be her subordinate: FBI director nominee Kash Patel.
In her confirmation hearing, Bondi declined to commit to enforcing the TikTok ban, offered a non-answer to whether former President Joe Biden won the 2020 election and did not provide a clear answer when asked if she would investigate Jack Smith, the special counsel charged with investigating Trump in the four years he was out of office. Trump has previously called for Smith to be prosecuted.
Congress
House Democrats are sticking with DOGE Caucus
Some Democrats are sticking with a congressional caucus partnered with Elon Musk’s so-called Department of Government Efficiency even as their party rails against its scorched-earth overhaul of federal agencies.
Multiple Democratic members of the caucus said they thought it was better to be inside the tent rather than outside, even as they disagree with how Musk is going about his job.
“The caucus is about focusing on rooting out waste, fraud and abuse. I joined in good faith and to make sure that we have a voice at the table to protect my constituents,” said Rep. Steven Horsford (D-Nev.), who added: “The illegal activity we’ll handle through the litigation process.”
“For now, I’m staying, but I’m staying because I’m going to talk to my Republican colleagues and basically ask them the question of, what’s the point of the caucus anymore?,” said Rep. Jared Moskowitz (D-Fla.). “Elon doesn’t seem to think the caucus is necessary because he doesn’t seem to think Congress is necessary.”
A third Democrat, Rep. Val Hoyle of Oregon, said she’d stay in “for now” and stressed that the “caucus is different than what Elon Musk is doing” or a separate Oversight Committee subpanel chaired by Rep. Marjorie Taylor Greene (R-Ga.) that’s intended to be another, more official Hill counterpart to Musk’s effort.
Democrats in recent days have rallied against GOP moves like the now-paused freeze of federal funding and the access to the Treasury Department payment system that Musk and his allies recently gained access to under the DOGE initiative. It has given the party a messaging foothold as they chart a response to Trump’s second term, with a group of Democratic lawmakers protesting against Musk Tuesday at the Treasury Department .
House Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries said Monday he was open to a “conversation” about whether Democrats should remain on the Oversight subcommittee chaired by Greene.
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