Congress
Thune steadfast on data seizure payouts for senators as Republicans seek repeal
The House plans to vote Wednesday to repeal a provision that could award eight GOP senators hundreds of thousands of dollars for having their phone records seized without their knowledge during a Biden-era probe. Senate Majority Leader John Thune, who secured the measure, is standing his ground.
“The House is going to do what they are going to do with it,” he told reporters Tuesday night. “It doesn’t apply to them.”
But many senators from both parties are eager to roll back the legislative language they didn’t know Thune secretly negotiatedwith Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer in the government funding package that ended the longest shutdown in history last week. Republicans could revolt if leadership doesn’t give them a vote to overturn it.
In interviews Tuesday with nearly a dozen lawmakers, confusion, frustration and anger ran rampant about what has quickly become branded as a politically toxic, taxpayer-funded windfall for a select few. Sen. John Kennedy (R-La.) went so far as to quip there could be “some stabbings” at the Senate GOP’s weekly lunch Wednesday when the topic will inevitably get discussed.
“Whoever put this in had an obligation to tell us about it, and they didn’t,” said Kennedy. “There’s something called trust and good faith around here.”
Even Schumer conceded the widely unpopular language should ultimately be scrapped.
“The bottom line is, Thune wanted the provision and we wanted to make sure that at least Democratic senators were protected from [Attorney General Pam] Bondi and others who might go after them,” he said Tuesday. “But I’d be for repealing all of it and I hope that happens,” he told reporters.
It’s not clear whether it’s too late to reverse course in the Senate.
The provision at issue, which President Donald Trump signed into law last week, would award senators $500,000 or more if they discover their electronic records were seized without notification.
In seeking to attach it to the funding bill, Thune was directly responding to furor from several Senate Republicans eager for retribution against former special counsel Jack Smith, who obtained the phone records for at least eight Republican senators during his investigation into Trump’s efforts to overturn the results of the 2020 election.
Thune in an interview acknowledged that members would indeed discuss the issue at lunch Wednesday but reiterated that he personally was not having second thoughts about including the measure in the funding deal.
“It’s designed to protect United States senators,” Thune said. “We have a number of people who are interested in making sure that that sort of thing has a consequence if that kind of weaponization of the government along the lines of what Jack Smith did is ever employed again in the future.”
Senate Commerce Chair Ted Cruz (R-Texas), who claims he was targeted by the Smith probe, praised Thune for including the language. Senate Budget Chair Lindsey Graham (R-S.C.), who is confirmed to have had his records subpoenaed during the Smith investigation, has said he plans to take advantage of the provision to make it “so painful” for those involved.
Some Senate Republicans admitted they hope the language is preserved. Sen. Eric Schmitt (R-Mo.) said he wanted the provision expanded to let a broader range of parties sue to show “how corrupt Jack Smith is.”
It’s far from certain disgruntled lawmakers would make it easy for Thune to move a standalone bill to revoke the provision, even if he decides he wants to — they could insist on controversial amendments or make the voting process drawn-out and disruptive. Nor is it clear Republicans would allow the provision to be stripped in a subsequent government funding bill.
There’s far less hand-wringing in the House, where members were criticizing the language before they even voted on the Senate-passed funding bill last Thursday.
The House Wednesday evening is expected to easily pass a bill to repeal the payout provision with support from Speaker Mike Johnson and House Judiciary Chair Jim Jordan, who is working to get Smith to sit for a transcribed interview before his committee.
In the Senate, several lawmakers signaled Tuesday night they were anxious to distance themselves from the new policy and wanted to follow the House’s lead.
“I’m going to support repealing it,” said Sen. Markwayne Mullin (R-Okla.), the chair of the legislative branch appropriations subcommittee.
He added he was not alerted about the language until after he already voted for the funding package last week and that he later received an “apologetic” call from GOP leadership over how the matter was handled. Thune confirmed that he had spoken to Mullin and that the Oklahoma Republican was not aware of the provision’s drafting.
Sen. Susan Collins (R-Maine), chair of the Senate Appropriations Committee, said she was likewise in the dark in advance of the vote.
“That was something that the leaders put into the bill, and I played no role in that whatsoever,” she told reporters.
Democrats made clear they would continue to pummel Republicans if Thune failed to take action.
Sen. Martin Heinrich (D-N.M.), the ranking member on the legislative branch appropriations subcommittee, said he was “furious” with leadership and has since introduced a bill to pare back the provision.
Sen. Chris Murphy (D-Conn.), another senior appropriator, said in an interview his party was “going to make every effort to try to reverse that pretty serious mistake.”
“I guess there’s an argument that it offers some future protection, but that’s not what the provision is about,” he said. “The provision is about a cash payout to Republican senators, plain and simple.”
Jennifer Scholtes and Meredith Lee Hill contributed to this report.
ALBANY, New York — President Donald Trump’s long-term bromance with New York City Mayor Zohran Mamdani has scrambled Republicans’ collective effort to make the democratic socialist the boogeyman of the midterm elections.
GOP candidates across the country have sought to tie their opponents to the 34-year-old mayor, his anti-Israel views and his brand of socialism — a bet that American voters will reject the Democratic Party’s leftward tilt.
The effort began in earnest last year when the House Republicans’ campaign arm wasted little time launching ads in 49 swing seats nationwide, tying the then-mayor elect to Democratic candidates and warning that a “radical-left earthquake just hit America.” In the race for a hotly contested suburban New York City district held by Rep. Mike Lawler, a House GOP super PAC launched an ad linking his Democratic challenger Cait Conley to the mayor. On Long Island, Republican Mike LiPetri has slammed Mamdani’s “socialist wish list.”
Such attacks are significantly harder to make after Trump, who retains tremendous sway over the Republican base, stood beside Mamdani at Gracie Mansion on Monday and said the mayor has “great potential” and that he’s rooting for his success. The plaudits from the president could not have come at a worse time for a GOP struggling to maintain control of Congress.
“Mamdani is one of the most popular politicians on planet earth right now,” said Chapin Fay, a GOP operative working for a super PAC allied with New York Republican gubernatorial candidate Bruce Blakeman. “Everything that comes out of his mouth I stand against, but he’s good looking, he knows how to operate the media, he’s an incredibly dangerous threat. But you need a good villain to run against in politics, and he’s just not a good villain.”
Still, Republicans aren’t making adjustments. GOP campaigns don’t necessarily expect voters to be turned off by Mamdani specifically, but by a broader concern over the perception that the far left is surging after a string of primary victories by candidates backed by the Democratic Socialists of America. Running against a rising socialist tide is viewed as much easier than competing against the New York City mayor himself.
“That dynamic hasn’t changed,” said one New York Republican operative who was granted anonymity to discuss strategy. “It’s still a very salient issue in the New York City suburbs.”
In a statement, a White House spokesperson touted Trump’s economic record, including tax cuts and addressing prescription drug costs.
“The President’s top priority is always improving the lives of Americans everywhere,” White House spokesperson Allison Schuster said.
The jarring union between two deeply polarizing politicians is an unwelcome splitscreen for Republicans in tough races trying to yoke their moderate opponents to Mamdani’s hard-left image. And their bond has effectively neutralized what could have been a potent weapon for Republicans in a midterm election that increasingly appears dire for the GOP. Polls are showing tightening races in deep red states, while swing seat Republicans need every bit of political ammunition they can muster to counter Democratic attacks over affordability.
The conundrum is particularly complicated for Republicans in deep blue New York, home to several swing districts where the upcoming electoral outcomes stand to determine which party controls the House and the direction of the president’s final two years in office.
It’s an especially thorny challenge for Blakeman, who’s running an uphill campaign against Democratic Gov. Kathy Hochul and has tried to paint the incumbent as a Mamdani fellow traveler. Blakeman’s campaign has released artificial intelligence-generated videos of Blakeman and Mamdani walking side by side, accusing them both of enabling New York City’s destruction. He’s admonished the governor for helping bolster the city’s finances — enabling the mayor’s agenda as a result.
Losing Mamdani as an effective foil, GOP strategists warn, undermines Blakeman’s ability to make that argument against the Democratic governor, who’s leading in the polls.
“It’s very bad for him,” said a Republican operative granted anonymity to speak frankly about the dynamic. “He’s supposed to be the Trump guy and here’s Trump praising Mamdani as a guy with a lot of potential. It seems to have really shocked people all over the state. It really deflates his entire campaign basis.”
Blakeman shrugged off the Gracie Mansion lovefest, insisting to reporters a day later that it had no impact on the race — or his effort to paint Hochul as a far-left radical aligned with the mayor.
“The president is a government official. He’s the highest government official in the United States,” Blakeman said. “And the mayor’s a government official, so I expect that the two of them would talk.”
It’s not the first time a Trump-Mamdani sitdown sapped a Republican’s effort to inject the New York City mayor into their campaign. Rep. Elise Stefanik’s short-lived gubernatorial campaign was short-circuited in part by the lovefest, when the president declined to repeat her claim that Mamdani is “a jihadist.”
For many of those who’ve been in Trump’s orbit, the relationship is a broad reminder that the president continues to harbor a fixation with his hometown where for decades he was a larger-than-life real estate developer.
“One thing you can always count on is that Donald Trump, in spite of everything, loves New York City,” said Michael Caputo, a former Trump administration official and Republican strategist. “I don’t think he’d ever give up on [New York City]. If that makes it a little difficult for some people in their races, I’m sorry, but that was baked into this presidency 50 years ago.”
Trump, who had toyed with running for mayor and governor during his days as a Manhattan developer, has tried to influence New York City’s fate throughout much of his life. He endorsed Mamdani’s main foe in last year’s mayoral election, Andrew Cuomo, warning voters in the financial capital of the world to not elect a socialist. His administration tried unsuccessfully to halt a Manhattan toll plan meant to reduce traffic. And the federal government’s push to redevelop the catacomb-like Penn Station may end up with the president’s name on it.
His meetings with Mamdani have reflected back that intense interest in the five boroughs.
The Trump-Mamdani rapport was forged months ago during their first Oval Office meeting in November. There, the president and the incoming Gotham mayor posed in front of Franklin Roosevelt’s portrait. At their second meeting in February, Mamdani gifted Trump a fake tabloid front page with the headline “Trump to City: Let’s Build” and discussed how to change New York City’s byzantine zoning laws to enable development.
During their most recent meeting the two men discussed building thousands of housing units on top of a Queens rail yard.
“He may not be one of the city’s most popular residents, but he’s never going to quit on New York City,” Caputo said. “It’s never going to matter who the mayor is.”
For similar reasons Mamdani has faced little political downside from the solicitous meetings with a president who most Democrats view with toxicity. The mayor entered office with scant executive experience and has been under pressure to prove he can govern. Trump’s federal government can provide money to help deliver wins for him in City Hall. Much like the president, Mamdani maintains support from an enthusiastic base.
“There’s no danger — his base gives him a complete pass for this,” Democratic strategist Trip Yang said. “There’s no progressive organization that would criticize Mamdani for this. He’s been able to demonstrate some early progress and some potential with Trump.”
Interest has already started to wane in leveraging Mamdani as a villain in Republican campaigns. For suburban New York City voters concerned about public safety and antisemitism, the mayor remains a divisive figure. While a recent Siena Research Institute poll found he has a 60% favorable rating in New York City, only 43% of voters in the suburbs feel the same way.
And some Republicans believe the meetings with Mamdani may have the effect of sanding down some of Trump’s rougher edges — weakening Democratic efforts to demonize the president in the process.
“It works both ways,” former GOP Rep. John Sweeney said. “If one guy is a boogeyman, the other guy is a boogeyman on the other side.”
Rep. Max Miller issued a subpoena to his former father-in-law and fellow Ohio Republican, Sen. Bernie Moreno, in the latest escalation of a long-running family legal drama.
Pamela MacAdams, an attorney for Miller, reported to the Cuyahoga County Domestic Relations Court Monday that three subpoenas were served in Miller’s divorce case, according to court records. A person with knowledge of the subpoenas granted anonymity to comment on them said that two were sent to Moreno and his wife, Bridget.
Their daughter, Emily Moreno, was married to Miller, and the two remain embroiled in a nasty legal battle.
Spokespeople for Miller, Emily Moreno and Bernie Moreno did not immediately return requests for comment. TMZ first reported on the subpoenas.
Miller is seeking reelection in a competitive district, and his campaign has been marred by accusations of domestic abuse against Emily Moreno and their daughter. Miller has repeatedly denied the allegations and chose to remain in the race despite other Republican lawmakers pressuring him to withdraw his campaign.
The House Ethics Committee, which began an inquiry into Miller after Miller asked to be investigated, is currently in a preelection blackout period. During that period, which will continue through the midterms, the Ethics Committee doesn’t take any action against sitting members who could return next Congress.
Congress
Trump declares $1B canceled in ‘pocket rescission’ in another affront to Congress’ funding power
President Donald Trump informed congressional leaders Friday that he has unilaterally canceled almost $1 billion without Congress’ consent — employing a budget maneuver many lawmakers consider illegal.
In a move that will almost certainly set up an ugly government funding battle after the midterms, Trump has again claimed the power to execute a so-called “pocket rescission” to nix money Congress has already enacted. The money his administration will claw back is for for immigration services, support to foreign countries, education programs, health research efforts and assistance for businesses owned by minorities.
By law, the president is allowed to send Congress a request to rescind federal funding, then withhold that money for 45 days while lawmakers consider whether to approve, reject or ignore it. Trump administration officials also argue they have the power to cancel funding without any congressional action by sending Congress a rescission request with less than 45 days left in the fiscal year. The argument is that the money automatically gets canceled on Sept. 30, when funding lapses at the end of the fiscal year.
Last year, Trump canceled $4.9 billion in foreign aid.
The Senate’s top Republican appropriator, Sen. Susan Collins of Maine, immediately blasted the move as illegal, saying in a statement Friday night that “any effort to rescind appropriated funds without congressional approval is a clear violation of the law.”
“This move shows that OMB intentionally withheld these funds for months to execute this unlawful cancellation of appropriations that were approved on a bipartisan basis and signed into law,” Collins added, pledging to work with other lawmakers “to address these illegal actions.”
Collins and other appropriators have already been on high alert in recent days, pressing multiple agencies about funding officials have yet to spend ahead of the expiration date.
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