Congress
On the Senate’s ‘Kumbaya’ committee, John Kennedy is suddenly singing off-key
As chair of the Senate appropriations subcommittee overseeing energy and water programs, Sen. John Kennedy is among the rarefied group of “cardinals” — the 12 gavel-holders who tend to take a clubby, I-scratch-your-back-you-scratch-mine approach to the trillion-dollar government funding process they manage each year.
Lately, though, Kennedy has hardly been acting like one of the gang.
The Louisiana Republican has accused the Senate of “playacting” through this year’s bipartisan spending talks — a process, he says, that is actually as “dead as Jimmy Hoffa.” This past week, he contributed to a days-long holdup on an initial package of fiscal 2026 spending bills — insisting he get a chance to vote against funding for Congress itself.
And he’s flirting with a second act this fall, delaying his own bill to fund energy and water programs as he pushes for a spending cut. He’s also drawing red lines that could leave a separate bill funding the Interior Department hanging in limbo.
Kennedy’s assessment that the government funding process is “broken” isn’t playing well with colleagues. That includes Sen. Patty Murray of Washington, the top Appropriations Democrat and a veteran of hard-nosed partisan fiscal negotiations.
“He’s breaking it,” Murray said in a brief interview.
As Kennedy tells it, his colleagues need to accept reality: Washington will be running on short-term spending patches, known as continuing resolutions, for the foreseeable future given the political hurdles to any workable agreement between President Donald Trump and congressional Democrats.
“There hasn’t been a point for a while,” Kennedy said in an interview about the government funding process. Hence, he says, the “playacting.”
It’s bleak talk for someone best known around Capitol Hill for his entertaining if sometimes contradictory approach to lawmaking.
A Rhodes Scholar skilled in dealing out down-home aphorisms to congressional reporters, he’s gaining a new reputation as a persistent headache for GOP leaders when it comes to government spending — and as an odd fit on a panel that is typically home to pragmatic senators who band together to cut deals even if they don’t love every piece.
By no means is he the only member on the committee who has thrown up roadblocks. Democratic Sen. Chris Van Hollen, for instance, forced leadership to drop its plan to include a bill funding the departments of Commerce and Justice over Trump’s move to cancel plans for relocating FBI headquarters to his home state of Maryland.
But Van Hollen and others with parochial concerns haven’t questioned the bipartisan appropriations process itself, and even Senate Majority Leader John Thune exhibited surprise at Kennedy’s broadsides.
“We’re just going to do what we can to get the appropriations process moving again, and that’s something we haven’t had here in quite a while,” Thune said. “So there’s a lot of muscle memory we’re trying to engage.””
The Senate is “trying to find a sweet spot,” Thune added.
Kennedy ultimately reached a deal with leadership this week to get a separate vote on funding for Congress. He said he wanted to be able to vote against the Legislative Branch bill without having to oppose a two-bill package focused on the departments of Veterans Affairs and Agriculture. He’s angling to make a similar protest vote against the bill funding the Department of Interior and environmental projects, which would complicate Thune putting it in a second spending package that he wants to bring to the floor next month.
But Kennedy’s position frustrated colleagues who say he didn’t articulate any policy concern with the congressional funding bill beyond believing it spent too much money. And his willingness to take a verbal sledgehammer to the Senate’s talks is grating on some fellow Republicans who are straining to keep them on track.
“What we’re seeing is different, and I don’t know why,” Sen. Lisa Murkowski (R-Alaska) said about recent tactics from Kennedy and other senators. “When I came on the Appropriations Committee, it was kind of like an unspoken rule, if you will — that we would be there to not only support the Republican bills, but as appropriators, we kind of held together … and we made the process work.”
“We don’t have that right now, which is unfortunate,” she added.
Besides publicly badmouthing the bipartisan process, Kennedy made other moves to rankle his Appropriations colleagues — starting with his vocal support for Trump’s pursuit of “rescissions.”
Those spending clawbacks essentially serve to undo the spending panel’s work. Not only did Kennedy vote for a first $9 billion package last month, he has also been backchanneling with White House budget director Russ Vought about additional requests.
Democrats, and some Republicans, are warning that would blow up the appropriations process, but Kennedy called it “naive” to think if the White House held off that Democrats would want to “share a cup of hot cocoa and a hug with us.”
Meanwhile, his frequent claim that Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer is responsible for breaking the government funding process has particularly rankled Democrats. Sen. Brian Schatz of Hawaii, who is on the Appropriations Committee and likely to be Schumer’s next No. 2, said the idea that “you’re going to blame the Democratic leader, and you control both chambers and the presidency, is plainly goofy.”
“If he wants to vote no on his own bill, I suppose he’s entitled to do that. It’s a little weird, but he’s entitled to do it,” Schatz said. “But there’s no reason he should block the Senate from considering the legislation that he’s presumably helped to craft.”
That’s a reference to the ongoing standoff Kennedy’s in with Senate Appropriations Chair Susan Collins of Maine over the energy and water bill, which last year directed nearly $60 billion in annual taxpayer spending — much of it on the nation’s nuclear weapons program.
Collins and Murray agreed on a topline spending number for the bill Kennedy oversees. But the Louisianan wants to go lower — something Democrats consider to be a breach of the overall bipartisan agreement on the committee.
“Just because Patty gives me a number doesn’t mean I have to accept her number. She’s got one vote, and I’ve got one vote,” he said.
Murray, who is also the top Democrat on Kennedy’s subcommittee, said she is working with Collins on a plan to advance that bill out of committee over Kennedy’s insistence that it include less funding than the panel’s leaders have prescribed.
Kennedy credited Collins with “doing the best she can.” But he said he wants to cut spending and rated the chances of that happening through the bipartisan spending process as about as high as the likelihood that “donkeys may fly someday, too.”
Last Congress, he recalled, panel leaders made the case that Senate appropriators needed to “come together” and “sing ‘Kumbaya’ and ‘We Are the World.” The pitch hasn’t changed this year, he said — he’s just unmoved.
“I love ‘We Are the World,’ it’s a beautiful song,” Kennedy added. “But it’s not reality.’”
Homeland Security Secretary Markwayne Mullin received praise from an unexpected corner of the House on Thursday: Democratic appropriators tasked with funding his department.
At an oversight hearing for the Department of Homeland Security, Rep. Ed Case of Hawaii, along with Texas Reps. Henry Cuellar and Veronica Escobar, thanked Mullin for an improved culture of communication and engagement between the department and Capitol Hill.
Escobar noted that she recently had “a really great meeting” with Mullin.
“I so appreciated your openness to hearing me out and hearing out the concerns that I brought to you,” she explained. Escobar also praised Immigration and Customs Enforcement chief David Venturella for “exhibiting that same openness” during a recent visit to El Paso.
Cuellar, the top Democrat on the Homeland Security Appropriations subcommittee, noted that border czar Tom Homan and other senior officials were in his district recently and that he was glad to be getting “notifications before” officials visited now “instead of hearing that from my mayor and other folks.”
Those same Democrats did question the DHS chief on the installation of fencing in sensitive areas along the U.S.-Mexico border and conditions at immigration detention facilities. Still, they maintained a fairly convivial tone with the previous senator and House member from Oklahoma.
While some Democrats in the hearing did have sharp words for Mullin, his relatively warm reception is notable given the hostile reaction from Democrats that Mullin’s predecessor, former Secretary Kristi Noem, received in her appearances on Capitol Hill. Democrats lashed Noem during hearings, calling for her resignation or firing over a litany of policy disagreements — from the tone and tenor of immigration enforcement to controversial spending decisions Democrats and some Republicans characterized as self-indulgent and self-serving.
Mullin had pledged to mend fences with Capitol Hill and work with both Republicans and Democrats, a promise that had prompted skepticism from prominent Democratic lawmakers. The hearing suggested that some improvements to the relationship have materialized.
Reps. Lauren Underwood of Illinois and Rosa DeLauro of Connecticut, the top Democrat on the full Appropriations Committee, were less diplomatic. They clashed with Mullin over conditions in immigration detention facilities and the Trump administration’s plans for the Federal Emergency Management Agency.
The exchanges, in which Mullin shouted back at the members and accused them of lying about the department and approaching the Trump administration with a double standard, were sufficiently unruly that Rep. Mark Amodei (R-Nev.) intervened and scolded both the members and the Homeland Security secretary.
Still, the mostly friendly environment allowed Mullin to speak more at length about his policy approaches on a litany of issues in the face of questions from both Democrats and Republicans.
On immigration enforcement, Mullin pledged that his department was reviewing decisions under his predecessor to acquire warehouses for use in housing unauthorized immigrants in ICE custody, acknowledging to Escobar there are “some that we’re trying to make work, but there was some due diligence that maybe wasn’t actually checked off.”
Mullin also explained that the large tranche of funds Congress allocated to DHS via reconciliation allows the department to “set out missions and force ourselves to look at technology today, not just what we can spend in a fiscal year.” He specified that those funds are already providing for investments at ports of entry to handle foreign trade and keeping DHS’ operations stable.
And he pledged to address a complaint from early in the Trump administration: that staffing levels at the Cybersecurity and Infrastructure Security Agency are too low. Mullin argued that there needed to be measured increases to the agency’s currently low staffing.
“Do we need to hire everybody back? No. Do we need to hire about 600 people back? Yes, but I don’t want to put bodies in position. I want to put the talented individuals that know what they’re doing and have partnerships with our state and local officials,” he explained.
Mullin also spoke positively about his engagements with Democratic officials. In an exchange with Case, Mullin lavished praise on Hawaii’s Democratic governor, Josh Green, saying Green “has been very helpful.” Green, he explained, “reports to us when some governors don’t” and called his approach to DHS “key to getting this done.”
Case told Mullin: “I’m texting him as we speak to say that you’re saying nice things about him.”
Mullin joked back: “Don’t say it. Don’t publish it.”
NEW YORK — A new internal poll shows a Democratic House candidate is in a dead heat with his Republican challenger in an upstate New York district President Donald Trump won by 20 points in 2024.
The poll, commissioned by Democratic candidate Blake Gendebien’s campaign and conducted by the left-leaning group Impact Research, found Gendebien trailing Republican Anthony Constantino by just one percentage point, 45-44, with 11 percent of voters undecided.
The district is currently represented by outgoing Republican Rep. Elise Stefanik, who congratulated Constantino on winning the GOP nomination Tuesday after he defeated Republican state Assemblymember Robert Smullen in a nasty primary.
Constantino, the CEO of a sticker company who’s self-funding his campaign with $10 million, earned Trump’s endorsement in April, a blow that proved fatal for Smullen’s primary campaign.
Constantino is an eccentric and passionate supporter of the president and recently recorded an adulatory rap album titled “Thank You President Trump.”
During the primary, he left a threatening voicemail to a constituent in the district, threatened to sue his opponent, whom he referred to as “Slimebob,” and frequently touted the 100-foot-wide Trump sign on top of his Sticker Mule factory, which he erected during Trump’s 2024 campaign. Constantino is also a former boxer.
Luke Martin, a pollster from Impact Research who works for the Gendebien campaign, said the campaign watched the primary in hopes they would face the polarizing Constantino.
“Our research has always shown that a wannabe DC insider like Constantino is very beatable in NY-21, but his rapidly increasing negatives had us concerned that we might lose our shot to run against him if he couldn’t keep it together through the primary,” Martin said in a statement. “The more money he spent, the more we saw his unfavorability tick up in our polls. The data was always clear that Robert Smullen would have been a more competitive Republican candidate for this district.”
After respondents received messaging on the two candidates, Gendebien, a dairy farmer, climbed ahead of Constantino, 49-40, with 11 percent still undecided. The poll quizzed 500 likely general election voters from May 26-31 and had a margin of error of plus-or-minus 4.4 percent.
Forty percent of those surveyed said they voted for Kamala Harris in the 2024 presidential election, and 58 percent said they voted for Trump. Twenty-three percent of respondents identified as Democrat, 27 percent said they were independents and 46 percent identified as Republicans.
There has been no independent polling of the district, which is one of the largest in the northeast and stretches from the northern Catskills region to the Canadian border. Trump won the district with 60 percent of the vote.
A potential curveball in the general election is whether Smullen, a retired Marine colonel, will continue to run for the seat despite losing the Republican primary. Smullen, who has the backing of the state’s Conservative Party, is on its ballot line in November. That would set up a three-way contest between him, Gendebien and Constantino.
Smullen has not ruled out running as a Conservative Party candidate. He has until Friday, July 3 to decline the ballot line.
Another potential factor to Smullen’s decision making is that the Conservative Party’s chair, Jerry Kassar, is in a bitter, personal feud with Constantino. Kassar is suing Constantino for defamation after Constantino said Kassar threatened to kill him. Kassar told Blue Light News it’s up to Smullen whether or not he wants to run on the Conservative line.
“The party itself has no role whatsoever, until an action is taken by the candidate,” Kassar said. “Bob has not indicated to me anything other than what has been public, which is that he’s interested in staying on but is thinking it through and will make a final decision soon.”
Gendebien’s campaign declined to release survey data on a three-way race.
Battleground New York, which works to flip competitive House seats by engaging disaffected voters, said the bruising Smullen-Constantino primary has put Democrats in a winning position.
“With Democrats surging and the race already tied, Republicans in NY-21 couldn’t afford a messy primary and they got one anyway,” said Andrew Grossman, a spokesperson for the group. “They spent the entire primary proving they can’t stand each other, and now they’ve handed voters a November ballot where they can choose between the guy the party hates and the guy the nominee hates.”
Florida Rep. Anna Paulina Luna is leading a blockade that has frozen the House — to the growing annoyance of some fellow Republicans.
The casualties of her fight, after all, are major GOP-written bills that are now going nowhere fast as Luna and allied hard-liners push the Senate to enact a partisan elections bill, a version of which the House has already passed. The move is now threatening the annual defense policy bill and the entire House schedule next week unless Speaker Mike Johnson can quickly find an off-ramp.
It’s stirring frustrations among many Republicans, even those who want to pass the elections overhaul known as the SAVE America Act.
“She’s going to have to start being a team player here,” Rep. Ronny Jackson (R-Texas) said in an interview. “I mean, you can’t be a team of one. It’s not an institution that can function with one rogue member, especially in the small majority you have.”
But Luna says she is perfectly comfortable picking the fight because she can claim a crucial ally: President Donald Trump.
“It’s not my job to play trust games with the Senate when they’ve actively betrayed our trust multiple times,” Luna said in an interview this week. “Plus, the president’s on my side.”
Luna’s tactics, in fact, are a mirror image of Trump’s own approach to the SAVE America Act, which has stalled in the Senate for months due to internal GOP opposition to the bill’s contents and the precedent-smashing maneuvers that would be required to pass it.
Trump shocked congressional Republicans Wednesday by canceling his planned signing of a landmark bipartisan housing package, explaining he wanted the elections bill passed first. Luna has similarly demanded that no further legislation pass the House until the Senate acts on elections — never mind GOP leaders’ repeated insistence the votes just aren’t there.
Many Hill Republicans believe there’s a reason the two appear to be in sync with their hardball approach to the legislation, which would mandate strict new proof-of-citizenship requirements for voting, among other provisions: They think Luna is privately pushing Trump to keep the pressure on the Senate, even as Johnson looks to keep his own agenda moving.
“The speaker talks to the president a lot. But Luna talks to him more,” said one House Republican who was granted anonymity to speak candidly.
Johnson is hoping to counter Luna’s push Thursday, meeting with Trump at the White House to discuss possible solutions to the impasse. House GOP leaders have already canceled scheduled votes Friday and are considering telling members not to come back for next week’s planned legislative business, either, according to five people granted anonymity to discuss private deliberations.
The possibility of losing nearly two weeks of floor time is fueling frustrations inside the House GOP. Leaders scrapped votes on two fiscal 2027 appropriations bills this week, and next week’s plan to bring up the annual defense policy bill is hanging in the balance — much to the chagrin of Armed Services Committee members who helped write that bill, including Jackson.
Rep. Steve Womack (R-Ark.), a senior appropriator, said Thursday the self-imposed blockade is “not our finest hour — we’ve got to get this thing open. But it’s not surprising to me because when you tend to want to reward bad behavior, you get more of it.”
That was a veiled reference to multiple prior episodes this Congress where Luna attempted, and sometimes succeeded, in hijacking control of the floor from Johnson.
A broader group of Republicans is annoyed that infighting over the stalled elections bill has now overtaken both chambers with just over four months until the midterms. What’s downright mystifying, in their view, is holding up House business over a lack of Senate action.
Rep. Nick LaLota (R-NY) said it was “like beating your dog because your neighbor won’t cut his grass.”
Luna responded to the gripers in a social media video Thursday: “This is the No. 1 most important issue in the country,” she said, referring to the elections bill. “The American people want it, and we’re not budging until we get it.”
Johnson tried to convince Luna to end her blockade Wednesday, according to three people granted anonymity to describe the private conversation. He argued a party-line policy bill Republicans are separately trying to assemble could provide a pathway to enacting the SAVE America Act.
But Luna wasn’t swayed. She is among many GOP hard-liners who don’t believe Johnson’s proposed compromise — which would involve a grant program aimed at encouraging states to adopt strict voter-ID requirements — is sufficient. Johnson is expected to float a similar plan to Trump Thursday.
Luna is also pushing to attach the SAVE America Act to the Pentagon bill or another must-pass bill. That doesn’t have widespread support among Republicans, either, and is viewed by House leaders as a sure-fire recipe for derailing important bills. It doesn’t help that one key element Trump is insisting on — a crackdown on mail voting — divides the GOP and probably can’t pass the House.
“I hope that doesn’t happen,” Jackson said, adding he wanted the defense bill passed “as clean as we possibly can.”
House GOP leaders blew off Luna’s initial threat this week to lead a floor rebellion if they proceeded with a vote on the bipartisan housing bill. It passed Tuesday 358-32 after passing the Senate 88-5 last week.
The huge bipartisan margins didn’t deter Luna, who publicly announced she had enough members willing to indefinitely block the procedural measures that GOP leaders use to control floor debate and prepare major bills for votes.
Other House conservatives have said they were in Luna’s corner, including Rep. Max Miller of Ohio and Rep. Ralph Norman of South Carolina, who is among several House Freedom Caucus members who committed to the blockade Thursday. “I personally think we should not have any more legislation until the Senate comes back in session,” Norman said.
Johnson told reporters before meeting with Trump Thursday that “we’re in an era with small margins and small majorities, and we’ve got to get things moving.” He blamed Senate Democrats for the issues with the elections bill and did not mention Luna or the standoff.
“I’m going to talk with the president about these issues and how to get the agenda moving again,” he said.
Luna’s close relationship with Trump has shielded her from significant blowback inside the House GOP. She talks with the president frequently and is one of the few Republicans on Capitol Hill to enjoy Oval Office walk-in privileges. The White House did not respond to a request for comment on Luna’s relationship with Trump and his view of her maneuvers.
During an internal crisis over a cryptocurrency bill last year, she left a meeting at the Treasury Department with a group of Republicans who were struggling with the matter, according to four people granted anonymity to describe the incident.
Luna walked over to the White House and into the Oval Office, the people said. Minutes later, Trump brought the whole group in and later issued a social media post saying they had hashed out the disagreement — by agreeing to give hard-liners a policy concession that wasn’t tenable with the rest of the House GOP.
“Luna has more operational control around here than most anyone,” said another House Republican granted anonymity to speak frankly.
Ali Bianco contributed to this report.
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