Congress

On the Senate’s ‘Kumbaya’ committee, John Kennedy is suddenly singing off-key

Published

11 months ago

August 2, 2025

As chair of the Senate appropriations subcommittee overseeing energy and water programs, Sen. John Kennedy is among the rarefied group of “cardinals” — the 12 gavel-holders who tend to take a clubby, I-scratch-your-back-you-scratch-mine approach to the trillion-dollar government funding process they manage each year.

Lately, though, Kennedy has hardly been acting like one of the gang.

The Louisiana Republican has accused the Senate of “playacting” through this year’s bipartisan spending talks — a process, he says, that is actually as “dead as Jimmy Hoffa.” This past week, he contributed to a days-long holdup on an initial package of fiscal 2026 spending bills — insisting he get a chance to vote against funding for Congress itself.

And he’s flirting with a second act this fall, delaying his own bill to fund energy and water programs as he pushes for a spending cut. He’s also drawing red lines that could leave a separate bill funding the Interior Department hanging in limbo.

Kennedy’s assessment that the government funding process is “broken” isn’t playing well with colleagues. That includes Sen. Patty Murray of Washington, the top Appropriations Democrat and a veteran of hard-nosed partisan fiscal negotiations.

“He’s breaking it,” Murray said in a brief interview.

As Kennedy tells it, his colleagues need to accept reality: Washington will be running on short-term spending patches, known as continuing resolutions, for the foreseeable future given the political hurdles to any workable agreement between President Donald Trump and congressional Democrats.

“There hasn’t been a point for a while,” Kennedy said in an interview about the government funding process. Hence, he says, the “playacting.”

It’s bleak talk for someone best known around Capitol Hill for his entertaining if sometimes contradictory approach to lawmaking.

A Rhodes Scholar skilled in dealing out down-home aphorisms to congressional reporters, he’s gaining a new reputation as a persistent headache for GOP leaders when it comes to government spending — and as an odd fit on a panel that is typically home to pragmatic senators who band together to cut deals even if they don’t love every piece.

By no means is he the only member on the committee who has thrown up roadblocks. Democratic Sen. Chris Van Hollen, for instance, forced leadership to drop its plan to include a bill funding the departments of Commerce and Justice over Trump’s move to cancel plans for relocating FBI headquarters to his home state of Maryland.

But Van Hollen and others with parochial concerns haven’t questioned the bipartisan appropriations process itself, and even Senate Majority Leader John Thune exhibited surprise at Kennedy’s broadsides.

“We’re just going to do what we can to get the appropriations process moving again, and that’s something we haven’t had here in quite a while,” Thune said. “So there’s a lot of muscle memory we’re trying to engage.””

The Senate is “trying to find a sweet spot,” Thune added.

Kennedy ultimately reached a deal with leadership this week to get a separate vote on funding for Congress. He said he wanted to be able to vote against the Legislative Branch bill without having to oppose a two-bill package focused on the departments of Veterans Affairs and Agriculture. He’s angling to make a similar protest vote against the bill funding the Department of Interior and environmental projects, which would complicate Thune putting it in a second spending package that he wants to bring to the floor next month.

But Kennedy’s position frustrated colleagues who say he didn’t articulate any policy concern with the congressional funding bill beyond believing it spent too much money. And his willingness to take a verbal sledgehammer to the Senate’s talks is grating on some fellow Republicans who are straining to keep them on track.

“What we’re seeing is different, and I don’t know why,” Sen. Lisa Murkowski (R-Alaska) said about recent tactics from Kennedy and other senators. “When I came on the Appropriations Committee, it was kind of like an unspoken rule, if you will — that we would be there to not only support the Republican bills, but as appropriators, we kind of held together … and we made the process work.”

“We don’t have that right now, which is unfortunate,” she added.

Besides publicly badmouthing the bipartisan process, Kennedy made other moves to rankle his Appropriations colleagues — starting with his vocal support for Trump’s pursuit of “rescissions.”

Those spending clawbacks essentially serve to undo the spending panel’s work. Not only did Kennedy vote for a first $9 billion package last month, he has also been backchanneling with White House budget director Russ Vought about additional requests.

Democrats, and some Republicans, are warning that would blow up the appropriations process, but Kennedy called it “naive” to think if the White House held off that Democrats would want to “share a cup of hot cocoa and a hug with us.”

Meanwhile, his frequent claim that Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer is responsible for breaking the government funding process has particularly rankled Democrats. Sen. Brian Schatz of Hawaii, who is on the Appropriations Committee and likely to be Schumer’s next No. 2, said the idea that “you’re going to blame the Democratic leader, and you control both chambers and the presidency, is plainly goofy.”

“If he wants to vote no on his own bill, I suppose he’s entitled to do that. It’s a little weird, but he’s entitled to do it,” Schatz said. “But there’s no reason he should block the Senate from considering the legislation that he’s presumably helped to craft.”

That’s a reference to the ongoing standoff Kennedy’s in with Senate Appropriations Chair Susan Collins of Maine over the energy and water bill, which last year directed nearly $60 billion in annual taxpayer spending — much of it on the nation’s nuclear weapons program.

Collins and Murray agreed on a topline spending number for the bill Kennedy oversees. But the Louisianan wants to go lower — something Democrats consider to be a breach of the overall bipartisan agreement on the committee.

“Just because Patty gives me a number doesn’t mean I have to accept her number. She’s got one vote, and I’ve got one vote,” he said.

Murray, who is also the top Democrat on Kennedy’s subcommittee, said she is working with Collins on a plan to advance that bill out of committee over Kennedy’s insistence that it include less funding than the panel’s leaders have prescribed.

Kennedy credited Collins with “doing the best she can.” But he said he wants to cut spending and rated the chances of that happening through the bipartisan spending process as about as high as the likelihood that “donkeys may fly someday, too.”

Last Congress, he recalled, panel leaders made the case that Senate appropriators needed to “come together” and “sing ‘Kumbaya’ and ‘We Are the World.” The pitch hasn’t changed this year, he said — he’s just unmoved.

“I love ‘We Are the World,’ it’s a beautiful song,” Kennedy added. “But it’s not reality.’”

Congress

Tom Kean Jr., absent for months, to hold fundraiser on the day of his return

Published

4 minutes ago

June 25, 2026

Blue Light Newsroom

Next Tuesday, Rep. Tom Kean Jr. — missing from action for more than three months due to an unspecified medical condition — is scheduled to make his return to his official duties in Congress. Later that same day, he’ll be returning to the campaign fundraising circuit, too.

According to an invitation shared with Blue Light News, a reception in support of Kean, a top Democratic target this fall, has been scheduled for the evening of June 30. Few other details are known about the fundraiser; Kean’s spokespeople declined to comment, though they did not deny the event’s existence.

Kean also has at least four more fundraisers scheduled for later in the summer and fall, according to a schedule reviewed by Blue Light News. That’s far from abnormal for a politician in a competitive race, but in the context of Kean’s lengthy absence, it’s an indication that the congressmember is indeed fully committed to his reelection campaign, as he’s repeatedly asserted.

A former state legislator in New Jersey who unseated a Democratic incumbent in 2022, the 57-year-old Kean last cast a vote on March 5, 112 days ago. His office said on March 20 that he was “addressing a personal health matter,” an explanation that has been reiterated with scant additional details for months since then, allowing the mystery of his disappearance to quickly spiral from a local curiosity into a national news story.

Last week, Kean spokesperson Harrison Neely said he would be back on June 30, and would provide more details then on what’s been ailing him. The New York Times’ Tracey Tully spoke with Kean in person at his Westfield home yesterday, but learned few additional details about his condition.

During Kean’s absence, Democrats in his 7th Congressional District have endured an expensive primary contest and landed on a nominee, former Navy helicopter pilot Rebecca Bennett, who’s been touted by national Democrats as a star recruit. Bennett herself has largely steered clear of attacking Kean over his medical woes, but an allied outside group recently began an ad campaign excoriating his missed votes.

Kean’s fundraising, too, has taken a hit during his time away from the campaign trail. Bennett outraised Kean by more than $100,000 in the fundraising period that covered April and early May, her first time doing so, though much of that money had to be immediately poured back into her Democratic primary campaign.

The congressmember’s June 30 fundraiser gives him a chance to start catching back up with Bennett on day one of his return, but it’s also providing fodder for his Democratic critics.

“Tom Kean Jr. has time to trade stocks and fundraise with his wealthy donors, but hasn’t found the time to be transparent with his constituents about why he’s been missing from work for months while taking a taxpayer salary,” Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee spokesperson Eli Cousin said in a statement. “He represents everything that people hate about corrupt career politicians.”

Congress

Hispanic Caucus members are devastated their chair lost his primary. Will they welcome his successor?

Published

19 minutes ago

June 25, 2026

Blue Light Newsroom

Still reeling from their leader’s electoral defeat earlier this week, members of the Congressional Hispanic Caucus are warily preparing to welcome his successor — with some conditions.

Darializa Avila Chevalier — a Democratic Socialist who ousted Hispanic Caucus Chair Adriano Espaillat in Tuesday’s New York primary and is expected to win the general election — plans to join the coalition currently composed of 42 Democrats across the party’s ideological spectrum.

“ICE kidnappings have sent school absenteeism rates skyrocketing across New York City since immigrant parents are too afraid to send their children to school,” Avalia Chevalier said in a statement Thursday. “I’m proud to join the CHC on Day One in office and stand alongside Latino leaders to fight back, push a bold agenda for our families and make sure NY-13’s voice is heard.“

The Hispanic Caucus is expected to be at the center of consequential policy fights in the next Congress as Democrats continue to battle the Trump administration on any number of fronts, including immigration. If Democrats take the majority, the CHC will look to assert its agenda even further, including by seeking to influence the likely speaker, Rep. Hakeem Jeffries.

But CHC members will demand that Avila Chevalier be a team player. Notwithstanding that she is coming into Congress having taken out a beloved incumbent, she has embraced positions during the campaign, and earlier on social media, that put her at odds with even some of her more liberal future colleagues.

She has, for instance, called for the abolition of Israel as well as all forms of policing, borders and private property.

“If she joins and is aligned with all our priorities and all our legislative programs, we would welcome her,” said Hispanic Caucus Whip Rep. Sylvia Garcia (D-Texas).

Some leading CHC members hope Avila Chevalier will be a productive contributor.

“The more voices that we have, the better and stronger both our larger caucus and the CHC is,” said caucus policy Vice Chair Rep. Rob Menendez (D-N.J.).

Should she be turned away from joining the Hispanic Caucus, though, there would be some precedent.

Espaillat himself tried to join the Congressional Black Caucus after running against a founding member, the late-Democratic Rep. Charles Rangel, in 2012 and 2014. When Rangel retired in 2016, Espaillat ran for the seat a third time — against Rangel’s preferred successor. When Espaillat prevailed, the CBC denied his attempt to join their ranks.

The all-Democratic CHC also previously denied a lawmaker from joining the group in 2017: Then-Rep. Carlos Curbelo, a Florida Republican who was locked in a longstanding feud with the group.

Current members aren’t expecting any similar fireworks with Avila Chevalier. Rep. Linda Sanchez (D-Calif.) — the chair of BOLD PAC, the CHC’s campaign arm — said in a Tuesday statement that “Democrats win when we move forward together.”

“Our commitment is to continue the work Adriano has led with the same energy and determination,” Sanchez continued, “and we look forward to standing with Darializa Avila Chevalier in the fight ahead.”

Progressive Rep. Delia Ramirez (D-Ill.) said “it would be a shame if there are members of Congress who can’t see past respecting a democratic process of an election and not welcome her. I certainly will, and I’m going to do everything in my power over the next six months to help her prepare.”

But Espaillat, when asked Thursday whether he thinks Avila Chevalier should be a part of the CHC, would only say, “That’s another question. I’ll answer it next week.”

Though he won’t have a vote in Congress next year to deny her entry, the decade-long House veteran is respected by his colleagues and considered a mentor to many CHC members, and loyalty could play a role in how Avila Chevalier is received inside the caucus.

“It’s a real loss,” said former Hispanic Caucus Chair Nanette Barragán (D-Calif.) of Espaillat’s departure.

The Hispanic Caucus, meanwhile, will not only be contending with a new, potentially polarizing member, but having to select a chair for the next Congress; though CHC chairs typically only serve one term, there won’t be an immediate predecessor close by to ease the transition.

Multiple Hispanic Caucus members said this week they expect the current vice chair, Rep. Darren Soto (D-Fla.), to ascend. However, several CHC Democrats also acknowledged that Soto is facing a challenging reelection bid in his newly redrawn district, which could render a potential promotion moot.

Other senior members of CHC leadership include Menendez; Rep. Norma Torres (D-Calif.), who serves as vice chair of communications; and Rep. Andrea Salinas (D-Ore.), the current vice chair of engagement.

Rep. Joaquin Castro (D-Texas) is also a member of CHC leadership, but he was previously the chair. Garcia, the whip, said she isn’t interested in the caucus’ top spot.

At least one former chair, retiring Rep. Chuy Garcia (D-Ill.), said he hopes the group embraces the CHC’s next generation of members.

“All of the incoming members should be welcomed there,” he said. “The reality is that they will be a part of this new leadership. They represent the popular will in those districts, and they need to be incorporated as much as possible into the process.”

Congress

Trump calls on House GOP hard-liners to end floor blockade

Published

2 hours ago

June 25, 2026

Blue Light Newsroom

President Donald Trump instructed a band of his GOP hard-liner allies to end their House floor blockade with multiple major bills at risk of being derailed.

“House Republicans should unify, and stop voting down ‘Rules’ or, threatening to do so,” Trump posted after meeting with Speaker Mike Johnson Thursday. He added: “No more grandstanding, please!”

“Rules” are procedural measures used by House leaders to control the chamber floor. Rep. Anna Paulina Luna (R-Fla.) and her allies said this week they would vote down those measures until the Senate passes the SAVE America Act, the stalled GOP elections bill.

Trump has embraced hardball tactics to advance SAVE America Act himself — including by refusing to sign a bipartisan housing bill this week. But Luna’s floor blockade has risked collateral damage, including passage of fiscal 2027 appropriations bills and the annual Pentagon policy bill.

Asked about Trump’s post, Luna said she has filed an amendment to the defense bill that would attach the elections bill. Doing so would almost certainly kill its chances of passing in the Senate, where Democrats could filibuster the bill.

The House Rules Committee is set to meet Monday to consider amendments and prepare the bill for the floor.

Trump, meanwhile, did not address the housing bill he refused to sign this week, but Johnson said in brief comments to reporters after returning from the White House that he intended to send the measure to Trump. That would set up a signature, a veto or passive enactment of the bill if it is not signed within 10 days.

“We’re on exactly the same page,” Johnson said. “Congress has work to do, and that’s what we’re going to do.”