Congress
Mass firing threats don’t faze Democrats
President Donald Trump said Monday he’s on the verge of enacting mass firings of federal workers. But Democrats say it won’t make them budge in the increasingly rancorous shutdown standoff.
The mass layoffs, dreamed up by White House budget director Russ Vought, would be the most significant pressure point yet as the shutdown enters a seventh day Tuesday — if Trump follows through. Already he has blown past Vought’s own prediction that firings would start by the end of last week, and no action was taken in the immediate aftermath of a fifth failed Senate vote Monday to reopen the government.
But ahead of that vote, Democrats projected defiance and argued the White House threats are hollow — not because they don’t believe the administration won’t follow through, but because they think it would be swinging the meat-axe regardless.
“They were firing people right and left before the government shutdown,” said Sen. Dick Durbin of Illinois, the No. 2 Senate Democrat, when asked about the threats.
Proceeding with “reductions in force,” as Vought has threatened, would go well beyond the typical shutdown furloughs, where federal workers are hired back once the government reopens. But they would be in keeping with the Trump administration’s sledgehammer approach to the federal bureaucracy since January.
Trump officials have made no secret they are using the threats as a cudgel in the shutdown fight: One of his top economic advisers, Kevin Hassett, said Sunday the administration was closely watching how Democrats voted Monday night — in effect, daring them to risk their own constituents’ livelihoods.
More than 20 percent of the federal workforce resides in the District of Columbia, Maryland and Virginia. But even Democrats representing the capital’s suburbs shrugged off the threat.
“[Federal workers] know that he’s going to move forward with firing as many federal government employees as he possibly can,” Rep. Glenn Ivey (D-Md.) told reporters. “And this is a threat that they don’t think is any different from what he’s been doing before, and I think they’re right.”
Sen. Chris Van Hollen (D-Md.) was more direct in a gaggle with reporters last week, calling Trump’s plans “Mafia-style threats and blackmail.”
They have backing from federal worker unions, who have generally encouraged Democrats to keep up their fight against Trump as lawmakers urge Republicans to come to the negotiating table on health care. Democrats also believe that the threat of a steep premium hike for Affordable Care Act insurance plans will resonate with voters in the midterms.
Two of the biggest unions, the American Federation of Government Employees and the American Federation of State, County and Municipal Employees, filed a federal lawsuit last week seeking to block Vought from proceeding with any layoffs during a shutdown — arguing that mass firings are among the nonessential activities that must be curtailed during an appropriations lapse.
Asked about the threats Monday, Trump said if the shutdown continues, “It could, at some point it will” trigger layoffs
The firings aren’t the only pressure point bearing down on lawmakers and the administration. Most civilian federal workers will miss their first payback Friday, while active duty military members could go without pay starting Oct. 15.
Durbin acknowledged that there might be a “tripping point” where the fallout from a shutdown forces a resolution but could not say what it might be.
Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer told reporters shortly after Monday night’s vote that if there are layoffs “it falls on Donald Trump’s shoulders.”
“He’s doing it, not Democrats,” the New York Democrat said. “And the American people know that.”
Democrats have been buoyed by polling that shows voters holding Trump and Republicans more responsible for the shutdown than Democrats — for now. That has given Democrats confidence in their positions, with some saying they have been emboldened by the mass-firing threats.
“Having been in many budget negotiations, I know that the person to make the first threat is usually the one with the least leverage,” said Rep. Sarah Elfreth (D-Md.).
Trump suggested Monday he was already in talks with Democrats about their health care demands, but top Democratic leaders quickly batted down that claim while emphasizing that they stand ready to negotiate.
“I do not know of any Democrats who have spoken to President Trump or members of his administration on this issue of reopening the government, enacting a bipartisan spending agreement, and addressing the Republican health care crisis,” House Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries told reporters Monday, while Schumer similarly told reporters that it was his “understanding” that Trump had not spoken to any Democrats.
Some Republicans, like Alabama Sen. Tommy Tuberville, have defended Trump and Vought’s threats, saying layoffs are necessary to address a “bloated” federal bureaucracy. “We’ve got to find some way to cut back on the debt we have,” Tuberville added.
But others have reacted to the mass firing threats with unease. They worry that the Trump administration’s bald attempts to focus political pain on Democrats and their constituencies muddles their attempt to keep the shutdown blame game focused solely on Schumer and Senate Democrats — and makes a solution to the standoff harder to find.
“I think that digs us a deeper hole,” Sen. Thom Tillis (R-N.C.) said last week in reference to Vought’s campaign targeting blue states. “I think if you do that, you’re going to create a bad faith environment.”
Jennifer Scholtes contributed to this report.
Congress
The House Ethics Committee wants to do better
Three lawmakers accused of serious ethical lapses have been forced to resign in just over a week, prompting even members of the House Ethics Committee to question whether the panel is up to the task of policing its own.
The committee is at a moment of reckoning as it seeks to prove itself ready, willing and able to root out bad behavior in its ranks. It’s spent the past year and a half rebuilding its reputation after internal disagreements about how to handle an ethics report over ex-Rep. Matt Gaetz spilled into the public and threatened the bipartisan panel’s credibility.
Now, amid the high-profile resignations of Rep. Eric Swalwell (D-Calif.), Tony Gonzales (R-Texas) and Sheila Cherfilus-McCormick (D-Fla.), members who sit on the highly secretive committee are opening up — eager to share their perspectives, acknowledge their limitations and defend their work.
“The reality is we are still too slow, and I believe that we should be moving faster. I’ve expressed some of my recommendations on how we can do that to staff,” said Rep. Suhas Subramanyam (D-Va.), who joined the Ethics Committee this Congress, in an interview. “I want people to take the Ethics Committee more seriously.”
In extended interviews Monday and Tuesday, Ethics Chair Michael Guest (R-Miss.) said his panel is hamstrung by the House’s institutional bureaucracy.
“I’ve been asked, you know, could the Ethics Committee, if there were additional resources provided to the committee, would that help us move cases through quickly? And of course, the answer to that is yes,” Guest said. “But you know, it has to be up to leadership. It has to be up to the Speaker and the Minority Leader as to the size of the staff that they would like to see the Ethics Committee command.”
Their comments come amid questions around how Gonzales and Swalwell were able to serve in office for so long unchecked: Both were accused of engaging in sexual misconduct with former staffers, with Swalwell accused of rape. Each stepped down before the Ethics Committee ever had a chance to render findings of fault and enact punishments.
Cherfilus-McCormick also resigned moments before the Ethics Committee was due to meet Tuesday afternoon to consider a punishment for a determination that she illicitly funneled millions to support her campaign, which could have culminated in a recommendation of expulsion.
Now attention is turning to Rep. Cory Mills (R-Fla.), who stands accused of numerous violations, including illicitly engaging in government contracts while in federal office and threatening to release a former girlfriend’s nude videos. He has maintained he has no plans to resign as his case before the Ethics Committee has languished without resolution.
In November, the House Ethics panel quietly requested the Office of Congressional Conduct — the quasi-independent office that fields and investigates complaints against members and staff from the public — to drop its probe into Mills, according to a person with knowledge of the ethics process who was granted anonymity to describe the confidential process. That message was transmitted to the OCC the same day the House voted to effectively table a resolution offered by Rep. Nancy Mace (R-S.C.) to censure Mills for various alleged improprieties.
The OCC was established in 2008 by then-Speaker Nancy Pelosi (D-Calif.), and proponents say it provides a necessary, largely independent set of eyes — including on ongoing investigations. Critics view the OCC as an untrustworthy political group; it sat defanged for months this Congress before Speaker Mike Johnson brought a perfunctory measure to the House floor that set up its ability to launch investigations by appointing its board.
Guest declined to discuss details of the Mills case but did not deny that such a request had been made, saying it was standard practice for Ethics to take the reins on a probe from OCC “once an investigative subcommittee is established.”
He conceded the Ethics Committee at times may operate slower than some would like, but its process was deliberate and thorough. “If members want this to be a rush committee where we have two weeks to come up with a report and return that report back to the body, then I’m not the right person to be serving in that room.”
He did say he hoped to discuss with Johnson how to improve the panel’s operations. One continued challenge for members is the loss of jurisdiction once a lawmaker resigns from Congress, which has historically meant the committee stops its investigation and does not release a report of its findings. Guest proposed a new policy where a report could be made public upon a lawmaker’s resignation, meaning bad actors could not always leave office in order to hide from revelations about their misdeeds.
Rep. Mark DeSaulnier of California, the top Democrat on the Ethics Committee, said the committee could better handle cases of sexual misconduct and has spoken to Democratic leadership about modernizing the panel.
“I think on sexual harassment, [the] thing that occurs to me is that there should be one place to go that’s clear to report, that has enough staff, and they’re been very well trained in the subject area, so that people feel like there’s a place they can go and be safe, protected,” he said. “And then there’s a due process that responds in a way that is deliberative, but under the urgency of circumstances.”
This is an area where the Ethics Committee has, in recent weeks, found itself struggling to respond to public pressure. When the House was poised in March to vote on a measure brought by Mace that would have compelled the committee to make information on sexual harassment claims public, Guest and DeSaulnier said in a statement it would have a chilling effect for victims. The resolution was ultimately tabled.
On Monday, the panel released a statement reaffirming its commitment to taking allegations of sexual misconduct seriously — and a list of publicly disclosed sexual misconduct investigations dating back to 1976. Many of those cases were closed without resolution because the member under scrutiny resigned from office before the committee could conclude the case.
One lawmaker who has served on the Ethics Committee, who requested anonymity to describe the panel’s private operations, argued that disclosure of sexual misconduct cases can harm potential victims who may not want their cases brought before the panel in the first place.
This explanation is largely falling on deaf ears from members who want more transparency and accountability, though, with Rep. Anna Paulina Luna (R-Fla.) calling the Monday release of previously disclosed sexual misconduct allegations against House members an inadequate “cleanup job.”
Rep. Glenn Ivey (D-Md.), a member of the Ethics Committee and a former federal prosecutor, suggested that improving the panel’s internal systems for handling sexual harassment claims might be a lost cause.
“I think the ugly truth is there’s no process that handles this well that I’ve seen, whether it’s state courts, federal courts, internal corporate investigations, Congress or the Senate,” he said.
Congress
Senate launches budget debate
Senate Republicans opened debate Tuesday on a fiscal blueprint meant to pave the way for passage of a party-line immigration enforcement funding bill later this year.
The Senate voted 52-46 to advance the budget resolution, which Budget Chair Lindsey Graham (R-S.C.) unveiled earlier Tuesday. It instructs House and Senate committees to write legislation expected to deliver about $70 billion to Immigration and Customs Enforcement and other agencies.
The Senate is expected to give the measure final approval this week before leaving town. The chamber could move to a marathon voting session, known as a vote-a-rama, as soon as Wednesday, though plenty of Republicans are betting that it won’t start until Thursday.
Congress
Cherfilus-McCormick resigns amid ethics investigation
Rep. Sheila Cherfilus-McCormick (D-Fla.) has resigned in the face of corruption charges at home and calls for her ouster in Washington, she announced in a statement on Tuesday.
News broke minutes before the House Ethics Committee was about to meet for a public hearing Tuesday afternoon to determine a punishment for the third-term Democrat, who was charged with stealing $5 million in Covid relief funds.
Cherfilus-McCormick said in a statement the Ethics proceedings did not constitute a “fair process” and that she was “choos[ing] to step aside” rather than “play these political games.”
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