Politics
I used to be friends with JD Vance. Here’s what happened to him.
Most Americans haven’t heard of the post-liberal right, the small but influential group of conservative, mostly Catholic men who have declared that liberal democracy, the animating principle of America’s founding, has failed and want to bring about a new social order where there is no separation of church and state and men and a hyperconservative Catholicism reign supreme. They are disdainful of secularism and individual liberty. Just like Republican presidential nominee Donald Trump illustrated during Tuesday night’s debate against Vice President Kamala Harris, these men idolize the authoritarian Viktor Orbán, the prime minister of Hungary.
My former friend JD Vance is a prominent voice of this fringe movement, as so many of his regrettable podcast interviews have demonstrated
They’re also nostalgic for Spain as it was run by the dictator Franco and see Orbán’s government and Franco’s as potential models for the kind of regime they wish to install in the United States. The group’s political priorities — which include restricting access to contraception and divorce and banning marriage equality and pornography — are wildly unpopular. And yet the Republican nominee for vice president, my former friend JD Vance, is a prominent voice of this fringe movement, as so many of his regrettable podcast interviews have demonstrated.
To repeat, I once considered Vance a friend. We were in the same class at Yale Law School, he knew me as an openly trans person, and we remained in communication until 2021. That’s the year that he announced he would be running in the U.S. Senate race in Ohio the next year. Before running in post-liberal and neoreactionary circles, Vance was far less angry and extreme. He was also, as everybody will remember, riding the attention from his memoir “Hillbilly Elegy” and was a vocal and unambiguous critic of Trump, using words like “idiot” to describe Trump and “reprehensible” to describe his views on “Immigrants, Muslims, etc.”

Despite the time we spent as friends, I have no real insights (other than political expediency) into what drew him to post-liberal men like the academic Patrick Deneencolumnist Sohrab Ahmarilegal scholar Adrian Vermeule and expat journalist and author Rod Dreher, who was present for Vance’s baptism into the Catholic Church in 2019. What I do know is that Vance used to condemn Trump’s racism and be empathetic to how such rhetoric made Americans feel unwelcome in their own country. But these men have had an obvious and heartbreaking effect on Vance’s worldview.
The leaders in the post-liberal movement are elites steeped in classical and Catholic philosophy who fancy themselves warriors for the average man. Vermeule, for example, is explicitly against the separation of church and stateand believes the Catholic Church should have ultimate control over all moral questions. (Well, maybe not the church as it’s run by Pope Francis.)
Vance and his intellectual mentors like Deneen are benefiting from the conflation of MAGA and post-liberalism, because if Americans truly understood post-liberalism, they’d realize it seeks to strip them of individual freedom.
There is some policy overlap between MAGA and post-liberalism in their shared opposition, for example, to immigration and transgender rights. But the ideological overlap between the groups is a shared affinity for authoritarianism. The post-liberal right, which has goals that even MAGA Republicans would find extreme, is attempting to hijack the MAGA movement to push its own agenda.
Consider: Trump, who has been married three times and divorced two times, proudly appeared on the cover of Playboy magazine. He was convicted of 34 counts of falsifying business records in a case that prosecutors successfully argued was about him trying to cover up an adulterous affair he had with an adult film star. He is not exactly an exemplar of Christian morality.
More importantly, Trump’s positions change with the tides of public opinion. They aren’t rooted in any religious or ideological convictions. ABC News’ Linsey Davis, a moderator at Tuesday night’s presidential debate, pointed out that, according to Vance, Trump “explicitly” said he’d veto a national abortion ban. That’s after Trump suggested in March that he’d support such a ban. But not only did Trump not state a clear position at the debate, he said, “I didn’t discuss it with JD.” This comes on the heels of him first indicating he would vote in favor of an abortion rights ballot initiative in Florida, only to say he would vote against it the next day.
The post-liberal right, which has goals that even MAGA Republicans would find extreme, is attempting to hijack the MAGA movement to push its own agenda.
Unlike the MAGA movement, which is led by a candidate who is defiantly amoral, post-liberalism is steeped in a revolutionary religiosity. Its goals include replacing our social and political power structures with a new social order rooted in a misogynist understanding of gender, sexuality, marriage and reproduction closely tethered to Catholic social teachings. This is reflected in Vance’s obsession with birth rates and the way he belittles women without children.
Some of the post-liberal right’s priorities are reflected in Project 2025but not even the Heritage Foundation, which is behind that project, has set its sights on trapping people in violent marriages by repealing no-fault divorceas Vance and the post-liberal right seek to do.
Post-liberalism, unlike MAGAhas no grassroots following. Most Americans aren’t Catholicand most Catholics support the separation of church and state. But post-liberalism, despite its ideological and moral disdain for Trump, needs MAGA. To accomplish any of its goals, it must leech off of a populist movement. The movement needs to exploit Trump’s popularity for its own unpopular aims. This may explain why Vance, who had more integrity when I knew him, abruptly flipped from calling Trump “cultural heroin” to the greatest president of his lifetime.
Prior to MAGA gaining control of the Republican Party, the leaders of this movement, most notably Vance, were staunchly anti-Trump. And while the post-liberal right is excited one of its own has quickly risen through MAGA’s ranks — most leaders of post-liberalism still aren’t Trump fans.
But they understand that it’s more feasible for them to co-opt the MAGA base than to organically organize a political base of their own. MAGA is far from a majority of the country, 42% of self-identified Republicans or roughly 14% of the countybut it’s a larger political force than post-liberalism could ever hope to build on its own given the unpopularity of its policy priorities.
Post-liberalism further seeks to confuse the American people through its rhetorical support for labor unions, a definite break from mainstream Republican orthodoxy. However, Vance was booed by a group of union firefighters when he stated he sought to be part of the “most pro-worker Republican ticket in history.” Nobody who’s pro-worker, as Vance claims to be, would team up with Trump, the candidate who laughed with Elon Musk about union busting. Nor would he oppose the Protecting the Right to Organize (PRO) Act, which would expand the right to organize. Hardworking union firefighters recognize Vance’s support for organized labor for what it is: hollow political rhetoric.
A post-liberal devotee like Vance knows how to talk a populist game, but, like Trump, he has no interest in delivering for working people.
A post-liberal devotee like Vance knows how to talk a populist game, but, like Trump, he has no interest in delivering for working people. His real devotion is to the culture wars.
Instead of persuading Americans to support their ideas, leaders of the post-liberal right are covertly positioning themselves within MAGA to be the heirs of Trump’s political base when he’s off the scene. They seek to transform the GOP into a pro-theocracy party willing to ignore the Constitution and democratic norms.
Those of us who don’t want to live in a theocracy must look beyond just defeating Trump and must also seek to vanquish a post-liberal right. That also means defeating the ambitions of a classmate whom I once considered a friend.
Sofia Nelson
Sofia Nelson, who works as a public defender in Detroit, grew up in rural West Michigan and went on to graduate from Yale Law School in 2013.
Politics
Tammy Haddad on Barbra Streisand, Trump and DC’s A-List weekend
Tammy Haddad on Barbra Streisand, Trump and DC’s A-List weekend
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Politics
He wants Muslims out of the U.S., and he’s Blakeman’s opener
THE ISLAMAPHOBE & BLAKEMAN: As Nassau County Executive, Republican Bruce Blakeman has welcomed Muslim residents with open arms.
He’s eaten at their Ramadan Iftar dinners, appointed the first Muslim chaplain to the county’s police force and talked about the value of Muslims as Nassau County county residents and Americans.
But as he tries to win a statewide race for governor, Blakeman is now aligning himself with a leader of the anti-Muslim faction of the national GOP — and he’s not responding to questions about it.
On Friday night, Blakeman will appear with Rep. Andy Ogles — the Tennessee Republican who has led the effort in Washington to “denaturalize” and “deport” Mayor Zohran Mamdani — at the Metropolitan Republican Club’s annual gala.
“Muslims don’t belong in American society,” Ogles has said. He’s also called Mamdani “Little Muhammad” and claimed that “denaturalizations and deportations are the only way to save the Big Apple.”
Blakeman’s team declined to comment on Ogles’ past statements or the gubernatorial candidate’s upcoming appearance with the House member.
Blakeman will deliver the gala’s keynote speech, and Ogles will be honored with the club’s Ronald Reagan Award for the Advancement of Individual Liberty. Also on the list of featured attendees are former Mayor Rudy Giuliani, Council Member Vickie Paladino and former Nassau County Bridge Authority Commissioner and pro-Israel influencer Emily Austin. Tickets start at $321.
The event’s host, the Metropolitan Republican Club, is often seen as the more mainstream counterpart to the city’s far-right New York Young Republican Club. The statewide New York State Young Republicans disbanded last year after POLITICO uncovered a trove of racist, homophobic and antisemitic chats involving members of the organization and other Young Republican groups around the country.
Ogles spoke at the New York Young Republican Club’s gala in December, where he said “naturalized illegal immigrants are polluting our politics” and “the new right must have courage to deport them,” a reference to his call for Mamdani’s deportation.
Husein Yatabarry, executive director of the Muslim Community Network, told Playbook remarks like Ogles’ can have a “huge impact” on the state’s roughly 1.7 million Muslim residents as they consider whether to engage in state politics.
“It’s sad to see that a lot of politicians are leaning into xenophobia and Islamaphobia and not looking at Muslims as part of their community’s fabric, but looking at Muslims as a way to get the most rude and heinous people behind you as a candidate,” Yatabarry said.
Ogles, who wrote a letter to the Department of Justice in October asking for Mamdani to be denaturalized, did not respond to a request for comment. He faces his own political battle this year, as a Democratic mayor has found fundraising success while hoping to topple Ogles in his deep-red district. Federal authorities are also reportedly investigating Ogles for potential campaign finance violations.
On the campaign trail, Blakeman often touts his strong electoral performances in purple Nassau County when speaking of his electability statewide. He easily won reelection last year in what was otherwise a bleak year for Republicans in New York.
But his Friday night appearance won’t be the first time he’ll find himself alongside figures from the extreme corners of the GOP. Blakeman was the keynote speaker at an event honoring John Eastman, an attorney who was disbarred in California last week for his efforts to overturn the 2020 election. When Blakeman’s running mate, Madison County Sheriff Todd Hood, spoke at a Buffalo-area political club led by a man who called Mamdani “vermin,” the Nassau County executive didn’t seem to mind.
“Mayor Mamdani is a disgrace,” Blakeman said in a statement at the time. “He is anti-American, antisemitic, and anti-Cop.” — Jason Beeferman
FROM THE CAMPAIGN TRAIL

PAC IT UP: House Democrats’ biggest super PAC touted its “largest early investment” in the organization’s history, with a notable omission — New York.
House Majority PAC’s announcement earlier today of an initial $272 million spend on advertisements includes zilch in the notoriously expensive New York City media market, where Democrats are protecting Reps. Tom Suozzi and Laura Gillen on Long Island and attempting to flip Rep. Mike Lawler’s seat just north of the city in NY-17.
Democrats, fear not. Money is on the way, according to HMP.
“Today’s initial reservations prioritize markets where rates increase significantly and there will be more reservations to come,” the super PAC’s communications director CJ Warnke said in a statement. “HMP plans to invest heavily to flip districts like NJ-07 and NY-17.” (The NYC media market covers Republican Rep. Tom Kean in New Jersey’s 7th District as well.)
National Democratic groups are working from a much smaller electoral map in New York after flipping four seats two years ago. Last cycle, HMP’s initial reserve included $16 million in New York City and $5 million in markets further upstate.
Meanwhile, the Congressional Leadership Fund — the House GOP’s main super PAC — on Thursday also released its initial advertising reservations, which the group similarly described as its “largest ever.” That $153 million investment includes $18.6 million in New York City. CLF also said it is putting money into Albany ($2.1 million), Binghamton ($1.8 million) and Syracuse ($658,000), markets that cover Democratic Rep. Josh Riley’s district — another seat that Republicans have their eye on.
Last cycle, CLF’s initial reservation included $20 million in New York City and $8 million in markets elsewhere in the state.
“House Majority PAC isn’t even spending one dollar to defend vulnerable Dem members Tom Suozzi, Laura Gillen, Josh Riley & [New Jersey Rep.] Nellie Pou,” CLF spokesperson Lydia Hall said in a statement. “They’ve given up on these incumbents while funding other offensive fantasies across the country.” — Madison Fernandez
From the Capitol

SCHRÖDINGER’S CANNABIS: New York’s beleaguered medical cannabis program can breathe a sigh of relief today after the Trump administration rescheduled medical cannabis through an executive order. Overnight, they went from dealing in a Schedule I, federally illegal substance to one that has a pathway to federal regulation under Schedule III.
What does this do for New York’s medical cannabis producers? First off, they will no longer be subject to an onerous federal tax code that barred them from taking typical business deductions like employee salaries. And starting next week, they’ll be able to register with the Drug Enforcement Administration — a dramatic shift for an industry that was viewed by the federal government as illegal drug traffickers.
The cannabis industry in New York and beyond is cheering the move as normalizing medical use of the substance. While the order doesn’t immediately change the status of the state’s adult-use market, where anyone at least 21 years old can legally shop, it does signal that the administration will likely take steps to do so this summer.
Beyond that is where things get a little murky. “There are a lot more questions coming out of this order than there are answers,” said Katie Neer, a cannabis regulatory lawyer who represents the New York Medical Cannabis Industry Association.
It could make it easier for the cannabis industry to access financial services, though that remains to be seen. And it could draw more capital to New York’s medical cannabis operators, where there are 10 licensees that are not yet operational. It could also enable New York’s medical cannabis operators, who are under one of the strictest programs in the nation, to export their products.
“It creates a market across the world for New York’s pharmaceutical [cannabis] products … to be exported internationally,” said Adam Goers, senior vice president of corporate affairs for New York medical cannabis operator Columbia Care. In terms of interstate commerce? “We’ll see how that plays out.”
New York’s medical cannabis program launched in January 2016 with 10 licensed operators. Eight of those are still operational, and the state issued licenses to 11 new medical operators more recently.
For now, even as they welcome the federal shift, cannabis companies will be tasked with figuring out the confusing legal complexities moving forward. Some of New York’s medical marijuana businesses also sell products in the adult-use market, which creates a quandary when it comes to figuring out their taxes, and more.
“It’s Schrödinger’s cannabis, right?” said Mike Feldman, general counsel of Nabis, a cannabis distributor in New York. “It is sitting in a warehouse, and it is both Schedule I and Schedule III at the same time.” — Mona Zhang
TRAIN TROUBLES — A dispute between Amtrak and New York’s Metropolitan Transportation Authority threatens the full rollout of new Acela trains, Amtrak said in a lawsuit that represents the latest transit dispute between President Donald Trump’s and Gov. Kathy Hochul’s administrations.
The suit, filed in Manhattan federal court, asks a judge to order Metro-North to give Amtrak access to the tracks, Blue Light News Pro reports.
Amtrak said Metro-North is blocking its ability to test new trains because of a dispute between the two railways over liability for damage to an overhead power line that Metro-North blames on one of Amtrak’s NextGen Acela trains.
In a statement, MTA suggested Amtrak is trying to distract from another ongoing dispute where MTA says Amtrak is holding up expansion of commuter service to Penn Station.
In the lawsuit, Amtrak reveals an issue with its new Acela trains tangling with MTA infrastructure near a bridge in Westport, Connecticut during previous tests. Similar infrastructure problems — involving the interaction between overhead power lines and a train pole that draws energy from them — caused massive delays for commuters in New Jersey two summers ago. The Garden State and Amtrak were able to work through their issues; this lawsuit against New York suggests a broken relationship between Amtrak and Empire State officials. — Ry Rivard
IN OTHER NEWS
— BILLIONAIRE BLUES: Citadel CEO Ken Griffin suggested the hedge fund might halt its planned New York City expansion after Mamdani filmed a video at his Manhattan penthouse to announce a new tax on second-homes worth over $5 million. (The Wall Street Journal)
— DELAY NOW, PAY LATER: Mamdani’s team presented Hochul’s administration with a plan to delay pension fund payments in an effort to save at least $1 billion as New York City faces a multibillion-dollar budget gap. (The New York Times)
— ZONE OF INTEREST: Unions are meeting with Mamdani’s administration to push for a veto of the buffer zone bill, which keeps protesters away from schools and educational facilities, as the mayor’s decision deadline nears. (THE CITY)
Missed this morning’s New York Playbook? We forgive you. Read it here.
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