Congress

House Republicans are playing the Trump card in committee chair races

Published

2 years ago

November 20, 2024

Republican lawmakers jockeying to lead House committees in the next Congress are touting their loyalty to President-elect Donald Trump as much as their ability to advance policy priorities as they make appeals to colleagues over the next two weeks.

With scores of members competing for a few key positions, contenders believe that success could hinge on their ability to show just how well-positioned they are to drive Trump’s legislative agenda across a range of policy areas including finance, energy and education.

“It’s going to be supremely important,” Rep. Ann Wagner (R-Mo.), a top contender to replace outgoing House Foreign Affairs Chair Michael McCaul (R-Texas), said in an interview after Trump addressed House Republicans last week. “What he spoke to us about is how his relationship with the House is better and stronger than the one he has with the Senate, and so he’s going to lean on us to get his agenda through.”

That agenda will include efforts to expand school choice, produce more fossil fuels and advance business-friendly cryptocurrency regulation — as well as sweeping rollbacks of Biden administration policies.

The extent to which allegiance to Trump carries the day will be a key first test of his hold on Congress, particularly since most of the races will be decided by secret ballot. Contenders will make their cases to a select group of colleagues, known as the steering committee, at the beginning of next month. Those members will then vote anonymously to determine the winner.

“It’s really about, ‘How are they going to get something done?’” Rep. Byron Donalds (R-Fla.), who serves on the steering committee, said in an interview. “That’s going to be the most important thing.”

The top Republicans on the House Rules, Energy and Commerce, and Financial Services committees are all retiring when the current Congress ends in December. Other panels, including House Foreign Affairs, Education and the Workforce, and Transportation, will need new leaders because of term limits.

Financial Services

Reps. Andy Barr of Kentucky, French Hill of Arkansas, Bill Huizenga of Michigan and Frank Lucas of Oklahoma are vying to become the top Republican on the committee that oversees Wall Street, the Federal Reserve and cryptocurrency.

Front-runners Barr and Hill have leaned hard into proving their Trump bona fides. Barr has focused his pitch on melding the party’s populist wing with its free-market core — and has spent the days since the election in close communication with key Trump allies like Howard Lutnick and Scott Bessent. Over the next few weeks, he’ll give out red baseball hats carrying Trump’s promise to “Make Financial Services Great Again.”

“I’m working really hard to make sure that my vision is hand-in-glove with the incoming policy agenda of the Trump administration,” Barr, a close ally of Trump loyalist House Majority Leader Steve Scalise, said in an interview.

Andy Barr has focused his pitch on melding the party’s populist wing with its free-market core.

Hill, meanwhile, has cited his ability to coordinate with Trump on crypto — the president-elect gave him a shout out at a digital assets conference over the summer — and rolled out an agenda last week that he branded “Make Community Banking Great Again.” Hill’s plan, like Barr’s, includes proposals that parallel Trump’s agenda, including a pledge to “reverse the weaponization of the government” by blocking regulators from encouraging banks to cut ties with certain customers.

Barr’s ties to Trump run deeper than Hill’s. He watched the Super Bowl with the president-elect at Trump International Golf Club earlier this year and helped throw fundraisers for Trump and running mate JD Vance in Kentucky during the campaign. Before Hill endorsed Trump’s presidential bid, he was one of the few House Republicans to publicly push back against him for encouraging lawmakers to kill a key intelligence bill.

Whether any of that matters to steering committee members remains to be seen.

“Steering committee — a combination of leadership and people elected by district — tends to be the more experienced members, and it tends to be a different set of values,” Lucas said in an interview. “President Trump’s opinion matters to everyone in the Republican conference, but it’s still within the immediate panel” to decide who gets a gavel.

— Eleanor Mueller and Jasper Goodman

Foreign Affairs

Wagner can boast a connection to the Trump family after working with Ivanka Trump — as well as secretary of State nominee Sen. Marco Rubio — on paid leave legislation. (She shouted “Yes!” as Trump mentioned it during his 2019 State of the Union address.) Wagner said in an interview that committee hopefuls “should” lean into their Trump ties when presenting to the steering committee .

“He has brought a number of our House members across the finish line,” Wagner said. “There’s a clear mandate there from the people.”

Wagner also backed Trump’s withdrawal from the Iran nuclear deal and co-chairs the Abraham Accords Caucus, named for the deal brokered under by the Trump administration to normalize Arab-Israeli relations. Her 2016 withdrawal of support for Trump over the Access Hollywood tape is “water under the bridge” that won’t affect her current relationship with him, said a House GOP aide granted anonymity to discuss a sensitive matter.

Another contender, Rep. Darrell Issa of California, is known for his aggressive approach leading the House Oversight and Government Reform Committee. He endorsed Trump in 2016 and supported key decisions, such as the firing of FBI Director James Comey. Although Issa briefly backed a special prosecutor to investigate Trump’s Russia ties, he later walked back that support. He subsequently voted to reject Pennsylvania’s 2020 electoral votes, opposed Trump’s impeachment both times, and voted against the creation of an independent Jan. 6 commission.

Rep. Joe Wilson of South Carolina, a Ukraine Caucus co-chair, backs sustained U.S. support to Ukraine, a stance that diverges from Trump’s. Wilson has at the same time praised Trump, saying the president-elect’s recent meeting with Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy demonstrated a “peace through strength” approach.

Another contender, Rep. Brian Mast of Florida, served as the national chairman of Veterans for Trump, leading attacks on Democratic vice presidential nominee Tim Waltz’s claims about his military record and defending Trump against criticism he doesn’t support troops. He’s also backed Trump amid his felony convictions and endorsed his foreign policy approach.

— Joe Gould

Transportation

Rep. Sam Graves of Missouri, the current Transportation chair, is eyeing a challenge from Rep. Rick Crawford of Arkansas. Both are on the same plane when it comes to their relationship with Trump.

Graves is making a long-shot bid for a waiver that would allow him to dodge term limits. He wants to make his case to the steering committee on why he is the better choice than Crawford — the Highways and Transit Subcommittee chair who has been campaigning for the role since March.

Crawford said he has had a good relationship with Trump for “quite a while” and noted that he and the president-elect share priorities such as investing in infrastructure through the surface transportation reauthorization bill.

“I don’t see any reason why they wouldn’t align perfectly, and we move forward with it,” Crawford said.

Graves has said that if he gets the waiver, he would work seamlessly with Trump as chair on a bill that focuses on hard infrastructure.

“We [have] got a long ways to go, but Trump’s a builder, so he gets it. And we need to do traditional infrastructure — that’s pouring concrete, laying asphalt, building roads, building bridges, and he’s going to get that,” Graves said. “So I’m sure it’s going to be heavily geared towards that.”

If Graves doesn’t get the waiver, expect Rep. David Rouzer of North Carolina — who has said he would be interested in running if Graves is out — to jump in the race. Rouzer, the subcommittee chair on water resources and environment, didn’t comment on any efforts to implement Trump-aligned policies.

— Chris Marquette

Agriculture

House Agriculture Chair G.T. Thompson of Pennsylvania grew closer to Trump in the final months of the 2024 campaign, strengthening ties that are also cementing his chances to maintain his gavel next year.

Thompson helped Trump campaign in his home state, which was seen as a critical battleground. Their relationship is a highly symbiotic one that enables Trump to reinforce his strong ties to rural America and the agriculture sector, while letting Thompson burnish his MAGA ties with GOP voters.

In September, Thompson joined Trump for a campaign roundtable for farmers in Smithton, Pennsylvania, hosted by the Protecting America Initiative, led by Richard Grenell, who was acting director of national intelligence during the president-elect’s first term, and former New York Rep. Lee Zeldin, who has been nominated to lead the Environmental Protection Agency.

G.T. Thompson helped Trump campaign in his home state, which was seen as a critical battleground.

“We’ve always won with the farmers,” Trump said, seated next to Thompson.

Republican lawmakers don’t expect anyone to challenge Thompson for the Agriculture Committee gavel. He went through treatment for prostate cancer this Congress but has recovered. Should Trump tap Thompson to serve in his administration, Rep. Austin Scott of Georgia would likely be next in line to fill the role.

— Meredith Lee Hill

Judiciary

One of Trump’s biggest supporters has a lock on being the chair of the Judiciary Committee: Rep. Jim Jordan of Ohio.

Jordan has been one of Trump’s biggest Hill supporters for years, and the two have a close relationship, including the president-elect’s backing for the lawmaker’s failed speaker bid last year.

Jordan keeping the gavel will give Trump a staunch ally directing some of the biggest investigations of the House GOP majority, including a potential investigation into special counsel Jack Smith, who has led the federal investigations into Trump.

— Jordain Carney

Energy and Commerce

Reps. Brett Guthrie of Kentucky and Bob Latta of Ohio are competing to chair the powerful Energy and Commerce Committee, which has significant sway over health care and energy policy.

“I think he’ll let things play out,” Latta said when asked if Trump might put his finger on the scale in the race.

Both candidates are seen as being friendly with the president-elect. Though they have not messaged explicitly on their relationship, their pitches parallel some of his proposals.

Latta and Guthrie have both embraced permitting reform; are open to all energy sources, including renewables; and want to boost domestic energy production, in line with Trump’s push to make the county “energy independent.” While Trump hasn’t been particularly engaged in health care, the two men have signaled openness to reforms at public health agencies like the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention and National Institutes of Health. Both have opposed what they see as electric vehicle “mandates” from the Biden administration, a major Trump talking point.

— Ben Leonard, with an assist from David Lim

Education and Workforce

Rep. Tim Walberg of Michigan and Rep. Burgess Owens of Utah are in a race to lead the House Education and the Workforce Committee that has their loyalty to Trump on full display.

Walberg, dean of the Michigan delegation, frequently touts his relationship with the president-elect. He has a picture with Trump on Air Force One in his office.

Tim Walberg wants to simplify labor regulations.

Owens, who currently leads the panel’s subcommittee on higher education, says he and Trump agree that education is a top priority. Displayed outside of his office is a photo of Trump with his fist raised in the air after being shot at earlier this year.

Trump is likely to get key parts of his education and workforce agendas through either lawmaker. His repeated backing of school choice initiatives on the campaign trail could get momentum under Walberg or Owens, both of whom want to move legislation on the issue. Owens is also a vocal critic of diversity, equity and inclusion initiatives, and Walberg wants to simplify labor regulations.

— Mackenzie Wilkes

Rules

The steering committee won’t get a say in one of the races that could have the biggest impact on the president-elect’s agenda.

The House Rules Committee tees up most GOP policy bills for the floor, making it a last-stop for Trump and his allies to try to influence legislation.

But unlike most committees, whoever chairs the panel will ultimately be up to the speaker — and it’s usually a reliable leadership ally.

The current chair, Michael Burgess of Texas, is retiring. Some have floated Rep. Guy Reschenthaler of Pennsylvania for the position, but he’s also chief deputy whip.

There’s also been a swirl of chatter around Rep. Virginia Foxx, who is losing her education and workforce gavel to term limits. The North Carolinian declined to say Wednesday whether she would accept the top job on Rules if offered.

“I’m not running for anything,” she said with a laugh.

Like Burgess, Foxx is a fierce defender of the president-elect. After delivering remarks at Trump rallies leading up to the election, her name is now among those being floated for Education secretary.

— Jordain Carney and Eleanor Mueller

Congress

Capitol agenda: Republicans hope Trump won’t dominate Dallas

Published

8 hours ago

September 8, 2026

Blue Light Newsroom

Republicans are hoping President Donald Trump won’t make this week’s GOP midterm convention all about himself.

The president — with his approval rating at record lows for his time in office amid the conflict in Iran, trade wars and inflation — is slated to be at the center of the two-day spectacle in Dallas beginning Wednesday.

GOP lawmakers, candidates, donors and party officials said in interviews they are counting on Trump to draw a contrast with Democrats rather than prosecute his personal grievances.

Rep. Riley Moore said in an interview the event is a “scene-setter” that should stay laser-focused on “what’s on the line” for voters in the election:

— GOP WINS: Republicans are eager for fresh promotion of the tax cuts in last year’s “One Big Beautiful Bill”, even if some don’t think Trump is the right spokesperson.

Though the first national TV ads funded by the president’s cash-rich political operation place him at the center, one touting provisions in the megabill was more up congressional Republicans’ alley. Several are hoping for that kind of focus at the convention.

“It’s incredibly important that we highlight what we’ve accomplished,” said Rep. Derrick Van Orden. “That’s the perfect venue for that.”

— DINGING DEMS: One consensus message Republicans want the convention oriented around is the choice between their legislative record and a Democratic Party they argue has moved way too far left.

“You’ve got Republicans that are campaigning on commonsense ideas. You’ve got Democrats that are being drawn to the absolute most extreme left of their party,” said Rep. Brian Jack, a deputy chair of the House GOP campaign arm. “So I expect each night to see that on full display.”

“The Democratic Party has taken a turn for the worse recently,” added Rep. Nick LaLota. “America needs to be quite aware of that as they make their decision here in November.”

LaLota is just one of scores of Republican members who are choosing not to travel to the convention — which has a price tag of $25,000 and up for lawmakers attending. Some of those Republicans said they have scheduling conflicts or simply want to campaign back home.

But they still have an interest in how the event goes off and what impression it gives voters.

“I’m going to look forward to listening to it on the radio as I’m driving down the road, going from one spot in my district to another,” Rep. Morgan Griffith said.

What else we’re watching:

— TRAHAN BYPASSES LEADERSHIP BID FOR AI —- Rep. Lori Trahan’s decision last week to forgo a leadership bid and instead focus on developing artificial intelligence policy surprised some of her colleagues. But in an interview Friday, Trahan brushed off the idea that efforts to broker a bipartisan AI deal thwarted her run to serve as Democrats’ vice chair. Instead, she said her work in the complex policy space had drummed up support from many House Democrats, but she ultimately wants to prioritize regulating the issue next year.

— ROUNDS AIDE’S SIDE GIG RAISES EYEBROWS — A senior staffer for Sen. Mike Rounds has quietly worked as a lobbyist for Meta and other high-profile clients. The unusual agreement for Robert Skjonsberg, who has worked for Rounds for over a decade, has raised questions from watchdog groups about ethics and possible conflicts of interest. Rounds spokesperson Dezmond Ward told Blue Light News his office’s general counsel consulted with the Senate’s ethics panel, “which provided guidance to make certain there was and is no conflict of interest.”

Mia McCarthy, Riley Rogerson, Kelsey Brugger and Jacob Wendler contributed to this report.

Congress

Republicans are hoping ‘Trump-a-palooza’ isn’t only about Trump

Published

11 hours ago

September 8, 2026

Blue Light Newsroom

President Donald Trump will be at the center of this week’s GOP midterm convention. Many of his fellow Republicans are hoping he doesn’t make it all about him.

The parade of lawmakers, candidates, donors and party officials now headed to Dallas for the two-day spectacle are counting on Trump to make a compelling pitch on the national stage before voters hit the polls.

According to interviews with dozens of Republicans, they are largely hoping for a two-pronged approach aimed at getting the president’s committed supporters off the sidelines: a focus on what they call Democrats’ extreme positions and the accomplishments of the Republican Congress — most of which are now more than a year old.

“Communism vs. common sense,” Rep. Riley Moore (R-W.Va.) said in an interview, calling the event a “scene-setter” that should stay laser-focused on “what’s on the line” for voters in the election.

Republicans have reasons to be wary. Trump’s approval ratings are at record lows for his time in office, and many swing-district GOP lawmakers are torn between running from an unpopular president and alienating his base of committed supporters.

There is little evidence Trump is content to let rank-and-file Republicans run away from him. The first pair of national midterm ads funded by his cash-rich political operation put Trump at the very center.

One ad begins with businessman Dana White extolling Trump as “the toughest, most resilient person that I’ve ever met.”

The other is more up congressional Republicans’ alley, with a Trump voiceover running through a litany of tax cuts included in last year’s “One Big Beautiful Bill.”

Even if not all agree Trump is the party’s best spokesperson at this point, they are eager to see a new effort to promote the tax cuts, which were enacted in July 2025, and want to see them touted anew in Dallas.

“It’s incredibly important that we highlight what we’ve accomplished,” Rep. Derrick Van Orden (R-Wis.) said in an interview. “That’s the perfect venue for that.”

“It’s a great opportunity for us to brag about what the Republican Party has done the last year and a half,” added Rep. Craig Goldman (R-Texas). “So certainly talking about the One Big Beautiful Bill.”

While Van Orden and Goldman are attending the convention, which kicks off Wednesday and ends Thursday, many other lawmakers and candidates are staying back in their districts. Some of those Republicans said they have scheduling conflicts or simply want to campaign back home.

But there are also qualms about Trump’s obsession with priorities that many of them consider off-message ahead of the midterms — such as pressuring Congress to take up the GOP elections bill known as the SAVE America Act.

As GOP lawmakers begged Trump to get serious about tackling the high cost of living, the president has instead openly scoffed at “affordability” as an issue concocted by Democrats to hurt Republicans.

He refused for months to help pass a major legislative package over the summer designed to help lower housing costs, and his trade wars and ongoing conflict with Iran have contributed to persistent inflation. A recent import deal designed to address rising beef prices came at the cost of upsetting American cattlemen.

Speaker Mike Johnson brushed off a question last week about the risk of having candidates show up at a Trump-focused event given his disapproval ratings.

“It was the president’s idea, which is why he’s getting credit for it, and it’s rightfully so,” Johnson said. “I think it’s going to be an extraordinary opportunity for us to get a couple of nights on national television to talk about our extraordinary record of achievement.”

Other Republicans said the president was well positioned to send a message of “promises made, promises kept.”

“Politics 101 is just telling folks what you’re going to do, and then come to Washington and do it, and then go back and tell them what you did,” said Rep. Mark Harris (R-N.C.). “When you look at President Trump’s agenda, securing the border, we’ve done that. That he wanted to make the tax cuts permanent, we’ve done that.”

“Peace through strength — and I think we have moved in that direction,” he added. “Obviously, we got detoured to this journey over in Iran.”

If there is one consensus message Republicans want the convention oriented around, it’s the choice between the legislative record Trump will be touting and a Democratic Party that they argue has moved way too far to the left — especially as progressive candidates, some of them democratic socialists, continue to win key primaries.

Rep. Brian Jack (R-Ga.), a deputy chair of the House GOP campaign arm, said “you’re going to see on full display each night a contrast that we’ve never seen before in politics.”

“You’ve got Republicans that are campaigning on commonsense ideas. You’ve got Democrats that are being drawn to the absolute most extreme left of their party,” he said. “So I expect each night to see that on full display.”

RNC national press secretary Natalie Baldassarre also said in a statement that the event would “put front and center Democrats’ desire to abolish police and prisons, raise costs, and strip away our freedoms,” while also promoting “Republicans’ historic achievements.”

“The Democratic Party has taken a turn for the worse recently,” added Rep. Nick LaLota (R-N.Y.), who is in a competitive race and not attending the convention. “America needs to be quite aware of that as they make their decision here in November.”

LaLota is just one of scores of Republican members who are choosing not to travel to the convention — which has a price tag of $25,000 and up for lawmakers attending — but who have an interest in how the event goes off and what impression it gives voters.

Rep. Morgan Griffith (R-Va.) called the midterm convention — the first held since Democrats did them in the late 1970s and early 1980s — “an interesting concept” and said he would be paying close attention to the size of the television audience. But he said he would be back in his safe red district campaigning.

“I’m going to look forward to listening to it on the radio as I’m driving down the road, going from one spot in my district to another,” he said.

Jordain Carney and Meredith Lee Hill contributed to this report.

Congress

The House Democrat who’s making AI regulation her No. 1 priority

Published

11 hours ago

September 8, 2026

Blue Light Newsroom

Rep. Lori Trahan’s decision last week to forgo a leadership bid to instead focus on developing artificial intelligence policy surprised some of her colleagues. It also left some of them wondering whether her thwarted attempt to work across the aisle on the subject was what doomed her prospects.

In an interview Friday, the Massachusetts Democrat brushed off the idea that efforts to broker an AI deal with a Republican backfired. She said the opposite was true: Many House Democrats told her she should run for caucus vice chair because of her work in this complex policy space.

“Look, I spent August really thinking it through, and it came down to a simple question that I think a lot of people don’t ask themselves enough, and that’s just: What I’m most passionate about?” Trahan recalled.

It turned out that the chance to help Democrats formulate a vision for how to regulate a rapidly evolving industry was what she couldn’t pass up.

“When I commit to something,” she said, “I go all in.”

There’s no guarantee Trahan will be successful, with members of both parties reluctant to work together and slamming each other over the issue on the campaign trail. But Trahan isn’t retreating or shying away from her work with Rep. Jay Obernolte (R-Calif.).

She spoke with Blue Light News about how she sees the AI landscape from a political and policy perspective, capping off a week of major developments in Washington — including the introduction of an aggressive plan to pause development of superintelligence models, an escalation in Democratic attacks on Republicans for the rise of data centers, President Donald Trump’s vow to “Let Data Reign,” and new reporting about a tech industry giant’s attempts to talk Trump out of onerous regulations.

This interview has been edited for length and clarity.

House Democratic Leader Hakeem Jeffries came out swinging this past week in trying to pin the proliferation of data centers on Republicans. What do you think of Democratic messaging on this?

I do think that the Republicans are having trouble reconciling what the president is saying with what their constituents are demanding, and that, I’ll just say, people aren’t imagining this. They’re already feeling it … in their electric bill. They see it when a new data center gets proposed down the road.

They’re obviously reading headlines about AI models that break out of their own labs, and I think those worries are legitimate. So I don’t think the folks are necessarily antitechnology, but they want to know that somebody’s watching this — that the most powerful technology in human history isn’t running on the honor system, and right now, it basically is.

Congressional Progressive Caucus Chair Greg Casar has made a huge push for Democrats to be, as he put it, “AI populists.” What do you think of progressives trying to carve out a lane for themselves on AI, and what has your work with them on this issue been like?

I think for a long time, the hardest part of this job was convincing people that this is an issue that couldn’t wait. I think that part is largely over, right? AI is advancing at a staggering pace, and the risks are scaling right alongside the capabilities. So I think after a summer of breaches … members on both sides, they’re just done waiting, and I think you’re seeing a wave of proposals … I think that just reflects a new sense of urgency in Congress that I couldn’t be happier to see.

Casar and Sen. Bernie Sanders announced a plan to ban the development of AI “superintelligence” and pause work on cutting-edge models until an agency is stood up to monitor risk. What is your reaction to the proposal?

My team and I are still reviewing the bill, obviously gathering feedback from the safety community, so I’m not going to prejudge the details. Of course, I share the concern driving it. I mean, these companies are losing control of their own models, and they’ve said so themselves.

I’m always a little cautious about outright bans, moratoriums, or blanket pauses because you really only get one shot at something like that, and if you time it wrong, you can end up worse off. … You trigger a backlash that chokes off the chance to put sensible, durable guardrails in place in the future.

A permanent ban with no path to passage, that doesn’t protect anyone. … But right now I get most nervous that we’re not passing the bill that can pass, that matches sort of where we are right now, which is, models escaping their environment and us relying on the honor system from these companies.

You are referring to your bill with Obernolte, which would establish a national framework for regulating advanced AI models. What’s happening with it? You were pushing for committee action before the midterms. That seems all but impossible now.

The calendar isn’t on our side before the midterms … so I have shifted my focus to before the end of the year. I think that’s the realistic window to get this done this year. Jay and I are working our respective sides of the aisle. … I talked to a lot of rank-and-file members on both sides of the aisle, and they’re all scratching their heads, wondering why we’re not taking this up.

So why do you think it hasn’t moved?

I don’t sit in the minds or the rooms of Republican leadership. … I am worried that they are comfortable with the president sort of managing this through executive fiat rather than putting something in place that is durable and predictable.

I’m hoping that with internal pressure and with external pressure, that the leadership, Speaker [Mike] Johnson and Leader [Steve] Scalise, will take this up and debate it at a minimum.

What is your reaction to the phone call our colleagues reported on, where Meta CEO Mark Zuckerberg urged Trump to scrap a plan to stand up a federal AI regulator?

I think that there are a lot of members of Congress who have ideas in terms of how this gets regulated.

Reasonable people can disagree on what regulatory construct we come up with. What I don’t think the American people agree with is that Mark Zuckerberg and President Trump are going to figure that out on a phone call.

Democrats have been fairly scattered on AI policy this Congress, and that could make it difficult for the party to unify around a policy platform while still negotiating with Republicans. How are you thinking about the next Congress?

I’m excited about next Congress just because I know when Democrats are in the majority, we’re going to get to work. … I think the fact that Democrats are talking about it a ton and we’re not under the thumb of the leader of our party, so that we can’t say or reflect any of the concerns that we hear back at home, it’s how it should be.

The fact that we’re able to have those conversations and we’re all coming from diverse places is a good thing. I think that’s what the American people want to see. They want to see us engage in every corner of the country in terms of concerns around AI and have a debate about it.

That’s not happening right now. Right now, we’re mostly just hearing from the president having a phone call with a rich tech executive or using export controls at his discretion.