Congress
House Republicans are playing the Trump card in committee chair races
Republican lawmakers jockeying to lead House committees in the next Congress are touting their loyalty to President-elect Donald Trump as much as their ability to advance policy priorities as they make appeals to colleagues over the next two weeks.
With scores of members competing for a few key positions, contenders believe that success could hinge on their ability to show just how well-positioned they are to drive Trump’s legislative agenda across a range of policy areas including finance, energy and education.
“It’s going to be supremely important,” Rep. Ann Wagner (R-Mo.), a top contender to replace outgoing House Foreign Affairs Chair Michael McCaul (R-Texas), said in an interview after Trump addressed House Republicans last week. “What he spoke to us about is how his relationship with the House is better and stronger than the one he has with the Senate, and so he’s going to lean on us to get his agenda through.”
That agenda will include efforts to expand school choice, produce more fossil fuels and advance business-friendly cryptocurrency regulation — as well as sweeping rollbacks of Biden administration policies.
The extent to which allegiance to Trump carries the day will be a key first test of his hold on Congress, particularly since most of the races will be decided by secret ballot. Contenders will make their cases to a select group of colleagues, known as the steering committee, at the beginning of next month. Those members will then vote anonymously to determine the winner.
“It’s really about, ‘How are they going to get something done?’” Rep. Byron Donalds (R-Fla.), who serves on the steering committee, said in an interview. “That’s going to be the most important thing.”
The top Republicans on the House Rules, Energy and Commerce, and Financial Services committees are all retiring when the current Congress ends in December. Other panels, including House Foreign Affairs, Education and the Workforce, and Transportation, will need new leaders because of term limits.
Financial Services
Reps. Andy Barr of Kentucky, French Hill of Arkansas, Bill Huizenga of Michigan and Frank Lucas of Oklahoma are vying to become the top Republican on the committee that oversees Wall Street, the Federal Reserve and cryptocurrency.
Front-runners Barr and Hill have leaned hard into proving their Trump bona fides. Barr has focused his pitch on melding the party’s populist wing with its free-market core — and has spent the days since the election in close communication with key Trump allies like Howard Lutnick and Scott Bessent. Over the next few weeks, he’ll give out red baseball hats carrying Trump’s promise to “Make Financial Services Great Again.”
“I’m working really hard to make sure that my vision is hand-in-glove with the incoming policy agenda of the Trump administration,” Barr, a close ally of Trump loyalist House Majority Leader Steve Scalise, said in an interview.
Hill, meanwhile, has cited his ability to coordinate with Trump on crypto — the president-elect gave him a shout out at a digital assets conference over the summer — and rolled out an agenda last week that he branded “Make Community Banking Great Again.” Hill’s plan, like Barr’s, includes proposals that parallel Trump’s agenda, including a pledge to “reverse the weaponization of the government” by blocking regulators from encouraging banks to cut ties with certain customers.
Barr’s ties to Trump run deeper than Hill’s. He watched the Super Bowl with the president-elect at Trump International Golf Club earlier this year and helped throw fundraisers for Trump and running mate JD Vance in Kentucky during the campaign. Before Hill endorsed Trump’s presidential bid, he was one of the few House Republicans to publicly push back against him for encouraging lawmakers to kill a key intelligence bill.
Whether any of that matters to steering committee members remains to be seen.
“Steering committee — a combination of leadership and people elected by district — tends to be the more experienced members, and it tends to be a different set of values,” Lucas said in an interview. “President Trump’s opinion matters to everyone in the Republican conference, but it’s still within the immediate panel” to decide who gets a gavel.
— Eleanor Mueller and Jasper Goodman
Foreign Affairs
Wagner can boast a connection to the Trump family after working with Ivanka Trump — as well as secretary of State nominee Sen. Marco Rubio — on paid leave legislation. (She shouted “Yes!” as Trump mentioned it during his 2019 State of the Union address.) Wagner said in an interview that committee hopefuls “should” lean into their Trump ties when presenting to the steering committee .
“He has brought a number of our House members across the finish line,” Wagner said. “There’s a clear mandate there from the people.”
Wagner also backed Trump’s withdrawal from the Iran nuclear deal and co-chairs the Abraham Accords Caucus, named for the deal brokered under by the Trump administration to normalize Arab-Israeli relations. Her 2016 withdrawal of support for Trump over the Access Hollywood tape is “water under the bridge” that won’t affect her current relationship with him, said a House GOP aide granted anonymity to discuss a sensitive matter.
Another contender, Rep. Darrell Issa of California, is known for his aggressive approach leading the House Oversight and Government Reform Committee. He endorsed Trump in 2016 and supported key decisions, such as the firing of FBI Director James Comey. Although Issa briefly backed a special prosecutor to investigate Trump’s Russia ties, he later walked back that support. He subsequently voted to reject Pennsylvania’s 2020 electoral votes, opposed Trump’s impeachment both times, and voted against the creation of an independent Jan. 6 commission.
Rep. Joe Wilson of South Carolina, a Ukraine Caucus co-chair, backs sustained U.S. support to Ukraine, a stance that diverges from Trump’s. Wilson has at the same time praised Trump, saying the president-elect’s recent meeting with Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy demonstrated a “peace through strength” approach.
Another contender, Rep. Brian Mast of Florida, served as the national chairman of Veterans for Trump, leading attacks on Democratic vice presidential nominee Tim Waltz’s claims about his military record and defending Trump against criticism he doesn’t support troops. He’s also backed Trump amid his felony convictions and endorsed his foreign policy approach.
— Joe Gould
Transportation
Rep. Sam Graves of Missouri, the current Transportation chair, is eyeing a challenge from Rep. Rick Crawford of Arkansas. Both are on the same plane when it comes to their relationship with Trump.
Graves is making a long-shot bid for a waiver that would allow him to dodge term limits. He wants to make his case to the steering committee on why he is the better choice than Crawford — the Highways and Transit Subcommittee chair who has been campaigning for the role since March.
Crawford said he has had a good relationship with Trump for “quite a while” and noted that he and the president-elect share priorities such as investing in infrastructure through the surface transportation reauthorization bill.
“I don’t see any reason why they wouldn’t align perfectly, and we move forward with it,” Crawford said.
Graves has said that if he gets the waiver, he would work seamlessly with Trump as chair on a bill that focuses on hard infrastructure.
“We [have] got a long ways to go, but Trump’s a builder, so he gets it. And we need to do traditional infrastructure — that’s pouring concrete, laying asphalt, building roads, building bridges, and he’s going to get that,” Graves said. “So I’m sure it’s going to be heavily geared towards that.”
If Graves doesn’t get the waiver, expect Rep. David Rouzer of North Carolina — who has said he would be interested in running if Graves is out — to jump in the race. Rouzer, the subcommittee chair on water resources and environment, didn’t comment on any efforts to implement Trump-aligned policies.
— Chris Marquette
Agriculture
House Agriculture Chair G.T. Thompson of Pennsylvania grew closer to Trump in the final months of the 2024 campaign, strengthening ties that are also cementing his chances to maintain his gavel next year.
Thompson helped Trump campaign in his home state, which was seen as a critical battleground. Their relationship is a highly symbiotic one that enables Trump to reinforce his strong ties to rural America and the agriculture sector, while letting Thompson burnish his MAGA ties with GOP voters.
In September, Thompson joined Trump for a campaign roundtable for farmers in Smithton, Pennsylvania, hosted by the Protecting America Initiative, led by Richard Grenell, who was acting director of national intelligence during the president-elect’s first term, and former New York Rep. Lee Zeldin, who has been nominated to lead the Environmental Protection Agency.
“We’ve always won with the farmers,” Trump said, seated next to Thompson.
Republican lawmakers don’t expect anyone to challenge Thompson for the Agriculture Committee gavel. He went through treatment for prostate cancer this Congress but has recovered. Should Trump tap Thompson to serve in his administration, Rep. Austin Scott of Georgia would likely be next in line to fill the role.
— Meredith Lee Hill
Judiciary
One of Trump’s biggest supporters has a lock on being the chair of the Judiciary Committee: Rep. Jim Jordan of Ohio.
Jordan has been one of Trump’s biggest Hill supporters for years, and the two have a close relationship, including the president-elect’s backing for the lawmaker’s failed speaker bid last year.
Jordan keeping the gavel will give Trump a staunch ally directing some of the biggest investigations of the House GOP majority, including a potential investigation into special counsel Jack Smith, who has led the federal investigations into Trump.
— Jordain Carney
Energy and Commerce
Reps. Brett Guthrie of Kentucky and Bob Latta of Ohio are competing to chair the powerful Energy and Commerce Committee, which has significant sway over health care and energy policy.
“I think he’ll let things play out,” Latta said when asked if Trump might put his finger on the scale in the race.
Both candidates are seen as being friendly with the president-elect. Though they have not messaged explicitly on their relationship, their pitches parallel some of his proposals.
Latta and Guthrie have both embraced permitting reform; are open to all energy sources, including renewables; and want to boost domestic energy production, in line with Trump’s push to make the county “energy independent.” While Trump hasn’t been particularly engaged in health care, the two men have signaled openness to reforms at public health agencies like the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention and National Institutes of Health. Both have opposed what they see as electric vehicle “mandates” from the Biden administration, a major Trump talking point.
— Ben Leonard, with an assist from David Lim
Education and Workforce
Rep. Tim Walberg of Michigan and Rep. Burgess Owens of Utah are in a race to lead the House Education and the Workforce Committee that has their loyalty to Trump on full display.
Walberg, dean of the Michigan delegation, frequently touts his relationship with the president-elect. He has a picture with Trump on Air Force One in his office.
Owens, who currently leads the panel’s subcommittee on higher education, says he and Trump agree that education is a top priority. Displayed outside of his office is a photo of Trump with his fist raised in the air after being shot at earlier this year.
Trump is likely to get key parts of his education and workforce agendas through either lawmaker. His repeated backing of school choice initiatives on the campaign trail could get momentum under Walberg or Owens, both of whom want to move legislation on the issue. Owens is also a vocal critic of diversity, equity and inclusion initiatives, and Walberg wants to simplify labor regulations.
— Mackenzie Wilkes
Rules
The steering committee won’t get a say in one of the races that could have the biggest impact on the president-elect’s agenda.
The House Rules Committee tees up most GOP policy bills for the floor, making it a last-stop for Trump and his allies to try to influence legislation.
But unlike most committees, whoever chairs the panel will ultimately be up to the speaker — and it’s usually a reliable leadership ally.
The current chair, Michael Burgess of Texas, is retiring. Some have floated Rep. Guy Reschenthaler of Pennsylvania for the position, but he’s also chief deputy whip.
There’s also been a swirl of chatter around Rep. Virginia Foxx, who is losing her education and workforce gavel to term limits. The North Carolinian declined to say Wednesday whether she would accept the top job on Rules if offered.
“I’m not running for anything,” she said with a laugh.
Like Burgess, Foxx is a fierce defender of the president-elect. After delivering remarks at Trump rallies leading up to the election, her name is now among those being floated for Education secretary.
— Jordain Carney and Eleanor Mueller
The House Oversight Committee requested that Alan Dershowitz, the lawyer who once represented Jeffery Epstein, testify as part of its investigation into the federal government’s handling of the Epstein files.
The interview is tentatively slated for 10 a.m. on July 9, with a video and transcript of the testimony being released “as expeditiously as practical,” Chair James Comer (R-Ky.) wrote in a letter to Dershowitz on Friday.
“Due to public reporting, documents released by the Department of Justice, documents obtained by the Committee, and your former role as Mr. Epstein’s attorney, the Committee believes you have information that will assist in its investigation,” Comer wrote.
Comer told reporters on Wednesday that he wanted to hear from Dershowitz, who helped Epstein secure a controversial plea deal in his 2008 sex abuse case.
“I’m looking forward to testifying,” Dershowitz wrote in a text message to Blue Light News on Friday, adding that he is “trying to adjust my schedule” for July 9.
Sen. John Cornyn isn’t a card-carrying member of the Senate GOP’s growing YOLO caucus. But with less than seven months left in office after losing his primary, the Texas Republican appears to be feeling newly free to speak his mind.
The latest clap-back came Thursday night and the early hours of Friday morning, when Cornyn called a conservative influencer a “grifter” and told Sen. Mike Lee (R-Utah) on social media to stop publicly blaming fellow Republicans — including Senate Majority Leader John Thune — for the fact that the GOP elections bill doesn’t have support to pass inside the party.
“You don’t have the votes” for the SAVE America Act, Cornyn posted on X. “@LeaderJohnThune can’t change that. It is math.”
He was directing his comments at Lee, who had just penned a post telling Thune, “let’s do this!”
Cornyn continued, “Try focusing on Democrats instead of Republicans. Republican on Republican attacks are hurting our chances to win the majority in November.”
Lee responded to ask, “on what planet is this an attack on Republicans?” and appeared to suggest a staffer was tweeting on Cornyn’s behalf: “Once my friend John Cornyn realizes that you’re saying this in his name—whoever you are—I don’t think he’ll be happy with you.”
Cornyn, however, is known for posting himself on his social media accounts in a chamber where many Senate accounts are run solely by staff. And he’s been making it clear all week that he will push back on Trump and his party when he thinks it’s needed.
In multiple conversations with reporters in the Capitol, Cornyn said that Republicans need to “stop the circular firing squad.” And he added that he won’t intentionally be “a thorn in [Trump’s] side,” but he’s also “not going to go out of my way to try to appease him.”
“I want him to succeed, I want the Republican Party to succeed, I want the country to succeed,” Cornyn said this week. “But on a case-by-case basis, when I think there’s been overreach or just a bad idea, I’m not going to hesitate to weigh in.”
The four-term senator’s comments come after he lost his primary last month to Texas Attorney General Ken Paxton, who Trump endorsed in the final days of the runoff.
Cornyn said in an interview with The New York Times that he was not a “wounded bear” but that he believed Trump’s insistence on “slavish adherence” was going to backfire for Republicans in the midterms and result in “the most miserable two years of his life” if Democrats flip the House or Senate.
“I think it is going to be a pretty bumpy ride for the next seven months,” Cornyn said.
Chuck Schumer wants Congress to pass AI legislation. But he’s casting doubt on it happening this year.
“In this Congress, it’s hard,” the Senate minority leader said in an interview Thursday.
Schumer’s reality check isn’t a complete door-slam. But it underscores the steep climb lawmakers face to bridge a slew of intra-party and inter-chamber divides about what Washington’s approach should be toward the emerging opportunities and risks from the rapidly developing technology.
The problems are multi-pronged.
The White House, whose posture toward AI has shifted dramatically in recent weeks, is angling to enact legislation that would preempt state laws in favor of a national standard. Most recently, administration officials have been exploring a plan to attach preemption legislation to bills designed to shore up kids’ safety online. But there are issues — House Republicans aren’t in love with the Senate GOP’s kid safety bills and Senate Majority Leader John Thune has warned that many senators have concerns “about not trampling states’ rights in the process.”
Democrats aren’t unified on what to do next, with the public broadly skeptical about AI.
Some House and Senate Democrats are leery of state preemption and want to wait until next year to tackle AI, when they might be in power. Opposition from key Democrats is a major factor derailing an attempt by Reps. Lori Trahan and Jay Obernolte to strike a deal on legislation that would set nationwide safety and transparency rules while restricting state action. And Sen. Bernie Sanders and Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez have proposed a moratorium on AI data centers pending stricter government oversight.
Schumer is striking a balanced tone on how to proceed, arguing that there are “tremendous benefits” from AI but that “we also have to have guardrails.”
“We should get something done on AI, and it’s … got to be balanced — keep innovation strong, but have guardrails to prevent the dangers,” he said. “That’s a hard needle to thread, but I would very much like to see that get done the sooner the better.”
What else we’re watching:
— FISA LAPSE, CLAYTON NOMINATION: Thune is vowing to move “fairly quickly” to confirm Jay Clayton as director of national intelligence, with the FISA Section 702 spy authority set to lapse at midnight thanks to a stalemate between Democrats and the White House over the position.
— GOP ADVANCES BIG DEFENSE BOOST — Republicans have taken the first steps toward granting President Donald Trump’s request for the largest budget ever for the Pentagon. Senate Armed Services members on Thursday approved a draft of their annual defense authorization bill outlining priorities for $1.14 trillion in defense spending next year. The House Appropriations defense subcommittee advanced $1.1 trillion in fiscal 2027 funding for the Defense Department in a closed-door markup.
Calen Razor and Connor O’Brien contributed reporting.
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