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‘He’s not a manager’: Former RFK Jr. staffers on how he’d run HHS

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If Robert F. Kennedy Jr. gets confirmed as secretary for President-elect Donald Trump’s Department of Health and Human Services, it will be the biggest job he’s ever had.

And some of his former campaign staffers question whether he’s up for the challenge.

Kennedy, who comes from one of the most high-profile families in Democratic politics, has held leadership roles as a lawyer and at nonprofit organizations but has more often been the public face of these operations than an executive manager. His presidential campaign was similarly run with Kennedy not closely involved in its daily management, according to interviews with a half dozen former campaign staffers.

“He’s an inspirational leader who’s able to communicate. But he’s not a manager,” said Jeff Hutt, spokesperson for the Make America Healthy Again political action committee and Kennedy’s former national field director.

Kennedy’s campaign — his last professional endeavor — was suspended before anyone could cast a ballot for him and left him with $4.5 million in debt.

“I have no idea how he’s going to run a full department, if that’s how he ran the campaign,” said one former campaign staffer granted anonymity to discuss internal dynamics. “Running a court case and suing folks is a lot different than running a business. I think he’s a fantastic lawyer. I think he does his due diligence and understands law and truly wants to help all people.”

Kennedy has touted his experience as an environmental advocate and litigator as qualification for the role, but Kennedy has never run such a large team. The Department of Health and Human Services oversees 13 sub-agencies and has a budget of well over $1 trillion and more than 80,000 employees.

And Trump, who reportedly considered giving Kennedy a role in his first administration, has also handed down a gargantuan mandate, saying that HHS “will play a big role in helping ensure that everybody will be protected from harmful chemicals, pollutants, pesticides, pharmaceutical products, and food additives that have contributed to the overwhelming Health Crisis in this Country,” in a statement announcing Kennedy as his pick.

Such work will involve battling a large bureaucracy, but Kennedy’s campaign was the opposite. By the end, a small circle of friends and family members became the core of his campaign team.

“The campaign was a handful of people that were actual professionals, and a bunch of folks that Bobby’s met along the health freedom journey,” said another former staffer.

This caused conflicts on the team and made the campaign slow to respond to negative press. It also held back the campaign’s operations, including in fundraising.

“I technically think that we could have raised an additional $50 to 75 million from what he raised,” said Dave Murphy, who was the finance director on the campaign. “We should have had exponential growth, and that didn’t happen. And I just think that every campaign and leaders succeed or fail based on the leadership around them, the people that are close to them, and I think there were some people that didn’t understand the vision of what a presidential campaign [and that it] actually needs to bring money in the door to make it credible.”

The campaign ultimately raised about $62 million, but more than $15 million of that sum came from Kennedy’s running mate, Nicole Shanahan, who is independently wealthy.

Former staffers say that Kennedy will be an excellent spokesperson and face of the MAHA mission, which pledges to take on chronic disease through “prioritizing regenerative agriculture, preserving natural habitats, and eliminating toxins from our food, water, and air.”

The emphasis on him as a public face is not dissimilar to the role he played in the successful lawsuit against Monsanto, a chemical company that owns the weed killer Roundup, and as a board chair of Children’s Health Defense, a nonprofit from which he is currently on leave.

“He was basically our press secretary and spokesperson, and so that was really helpful. And when we got the verdict, he was the one who helped us organize,” Brent Wisner, who was an attorney on the Monsanto case, said this summer during an interview about Kennedy’s role on the Monsanto case.

Wisner added that Kennedy was also an asset in talking with the press throughout the trial and was especially useful when it came to the pre-trial discovery and research phase, where he found instances of the regulatory agencies deference to industry at the expense of health outcomes.

Kennedy’s later litigation and books focused on vaccine safety ostracized him from some in the environmental movement and eventually the Democratic Party when he ran for president. But Kennedy’s former staffers said that he has the skills to rebuild bridges and forge relationships necessary to accomplish things in Washington.

“He is a very genuine person. He listens and he’s, you know, he likes to find the best answers available,” said a former senior staffer. “And as he’s said publicly, you know, if you can show him where he’s wrong on something, he will change his mind.”

This senior staffer also said he doesn’t believe Kennedy will immediately “purge” the department of staffers, as some in Trump’s orbit have pledged to, and that his former boss has a “cooler [tempered] approach.”

But some former staffer said that good intentions and an aptitude for relationship building aren’t enough to cover leadership skills.

“He’s going to need a good deputy,” said Hutt, who worked on the PAC supporting Kennedy.“I don’t know who he has in mind, but I would hope that he would go outside of his campaign [staffers] for this position.”

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Nancy Mace knows her Epstein vote screwed her with Trump. She doesn’t care.

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Nancy Mace thinks she knows why she didn’t get President Donald Trump’s endorsement.

The embattled South Carolina House Republican, who’s in the midst of a bruising race for governor, has a long history of bucking — and then cozying back up to — Trump. But her leading role in releasing the Jeffrey Epstein files was likely a bridge too far for the president, who has spent significant time and energy this year to get revenge against his GOP defectors.

Trump’s recent decision to back one of Mace’s primary opponents, Lt. Gov. Pamela Evette, in the crowded field will carry monumental weight in the crimson-red state. Past elections suggest that, with the president’s endorsement, Evette has all but secured her place in a runoff, as Mace and three other Republicans continue to scramble for the second spot on the ballot.

Still, the three-term representative says she has no regrets about her Epstein vote — or its consequences.

“That’s the sole reason I didn’t get the endorsement, because I voted to release the Epstein files, and I’m okay with that,” Mace told Blue Light News. “I’ve worked very hard to expose pedophiles, and child rapists, and sex trafficking in my state, and will continue to do it regardless of the outcome of the election.”

“It’s full steam ahead, no matter what. I’m not going down without a fight,” she added. “I’m still the MAGA candidate. I support all of MAGA’s policies. I support our president. I’m also an independent conservative.”

Mace is one of the few remaining Republican Epstein files defectors left standing, after the president blitzed Rep. Thomas Massie (R-Ky.) out of Congress and turned on former Rep. Majorie Taylor Greene (R-Ga.).

Unlike with the other figures, Trump has not publicly made this particular race about his personal dissatisfaction with Mace, staying relatively quiet until he announced his endorsement of Evette in the final two-week window of the primary. But the late Trump headwind is yet another obstacle for Mace’s campaign, which has been otherwise dogged by controversies and a serious primary field that’s already been difficult for her to navigate.

Mace’s run for governor is her highest-profile race yet — and one that will define the next chapter of her rollercoaster career. She’s had to overcome retributive political challenges from several influential figures in her own party and navigate public questions about her own mental health.

She bested a Trump-backed challenger in 2022, a consequence for condemning the president after the Jan. 6 riot at the Capitol. In 2024, she handily defeated a primary challenge funded by allies of former Speaker Kevin McCarthy, who Mace voted to oust the year prior. And now, she’s back on the outs with Trump again, though she’s still trying to align herself closely with the president and reiterating her respect for him.

The White House declined to comment and instead referred Blue Light News to the president’s Truth Social post explaining his endorsement of Evette, which did not mention Mace. He instead touted Evette’s closeness to GOP Gov. Henry McMaster, a Trump ally.

Observers and Mace’s opponents in South Carolina paint a complex picture of how the race and Mace’s candidacy have shaped out.

She launched her campaign in the summer of 2025, armed with sky-high name recognition and the ability to tap into grassroots online fundraising, which paid dividends at the outset of the contest. Trump even shared a poll that showed her leading the field — one that Mace told Blue Light News last year that she personally sent to the president. But in early September, she joined House Democrats and signed onto Massie’s effort to force a vote to later release the Epstein files — an open defiance of the president’s wishes.

The tide started to shift against her in November, and not only because of the Epstein files drama.

Mace got into a public entanglement with the Charleston Airport Authority over a prearranged escort from the curb to her gate, leading to embarrassing headlines locally and nationally.

Airport authorities detailed in a report that Mace, in a profanity-laced tirade, lit into law enforcement officers and TSA agents for failing to meet her at a preordained pickup location, even as they walked her to her flight.

“I think the airport thing hurt her more than the [Epstein] thing,” said Terry Sullivan, a longtime South Carolina Republican operative, who is unaffiliated in the race. “She’s had really strong debate performances, she’s articulate, she’s right on the issues for these folks, but then she just goes a little haywire.”

Mace, for her part, defended her actions at the airport a few days after it happened in a Charleston press conference, calling the report’s release a “political hit job.”

“Did I drop an f-bomb? I hope I did,” she said at the time. The incident drew harsh criticism from fellow South Carolina Republicans, including Sen. Tim Scott who published a blistering statement rebuking her language and treatment of the officials. Sen. Lindsey Graham piled on, too.

Even now, months later, Mace stands by what she did.

“I get over a thousand death threats a year, and I’m the only one that doesn’t get security when traveling. In fact, the last three times I’ve had an altercation or been accosted has been at an airport, particularly the Charleston airport, because the left has lost their mind,” she told Blue Light News.

Then, in February, she accused her ex-fiancé and several of his business partners of serious sexual crimes during a speech on the House floor. They have denied the allegations, and Mace has been representing herself in the subsequent litigation, often swapping the campaign trail for the courtroom.

Controversies aside, ad spending reveals another reason why she’s struggling to break through to the front of the race.

Mace, shockingly, hasn’t spent a single dollar on television ads at all, according to an AdImpact analysis, despite her healthy fundraising throughout the campaign. She’s only dropped $50,000 on digital advertising.

Meanwhile, overall ad spending in the Republican primary has hit nearly $28 million between the candidates’ committees and aligned PACs, nearly $2 million of which has been in negative advertising targeting her specifically. Protect Freedom PAC, an outside group aligned with Kentucky Sen. Rand Paul, has spent $1.4 million in positive ads on Mace’s behalf.

One candidate in particular — millionaire and political outsider Rom Reddy, who jumped into contention at the last minute — has topped all other candidates and PACs, reaching nearly $6 million in the relatively small state. South Carolina Attorney General Alan Wilson and Rep. Ralph Norman (R-S.C.) are also in the race and spending real money.

If none of the candidates clear a 50 percent threshold — a likely scenario with five serious contenders on the ballot — the two top vote-getters will advance to a one-on-one runoff race, with a second round of voting scheduled for just two weeks later on June 23.

The weekend after Trump made his endorsement of Evette, Mace said she texted a friend who would understand her predicament: Massie. “I let him know that I didn’t get the endorsement, and we all know why,” she told Blue Light News.

But Massie had already taken to social media.

“Although virtually all Republicans eventually admitted by their votes that it was right to release the Epstein files, only three were brave enough to sign my discharge petition to force that vote. [Lauren] Boebert, [Marjorie Taylor] Greene, and Mace have paid an enormous price for doing the right thing,” he said in a post on X. Greene resigned from Congress earlier this year after clashes with Trump over Epstein and the economy, and Trump recently called for a primary challenge to Boebert after she campaigned with Massie ahead of the Kentucky primary.

Massie has already hinted that he could make some kind of comeback in 2028, whether for his old House seat in Kentucky or another federal office. Mace, should she come up short in the primary, is not so sure.

“I’m not running for Congress again,” Mace said. “I said I would do six years because I believe in term limits, and I made the promise that I would leave Congress after six years, so I won’t be running again.”

What about a political career outside of Congress? “I’m going to wait and see how Tuesday looks,” she demurred.

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Spy-law extension at risk after Senate votes against launching debate

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Section 702 foreign surveillance authority is set to lapse June 12…
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Spy-law extension at risk after Senate votes against launching debate

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Section 702 foreign surveillance authority is set to lapse June 12…
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