Congress

Bondi punts blame for the Epstein files to Todd Blanche

Published

4 weeks ago

June 4, 2026

Current acting Attorney General Todd Blanche was, as deputy attorney general, responsible for the Justice Department’s handling of the Jeffrey Epstein files, former Attorney General Pam Bondi repeatedly told members of Congress and staff in a closed-door interview last month.

The revelations come the day after President Donald Trump announced his intent to nominate Blanche to replace Bondi, who he fired in April, as the head of DOJ — and as Blanche contends bipartisan blowback over now-abandoned plans to launch a $1.8 billion fund awarding payouts to victims of “lawfare.”

It also comes as Bondi has continued to face scrutiny of her own for how she facilitated the release of the Epstein files, which came only after prolonged delays and botched or incomplete redactions.

According to a transcript released Thursday of Bondi’s hourslong interview with the House Oversight and Government Reform Committee as part of its Epstein investigation, Bondi frequently said Blanche was in charge of the task and noted that “Blanche supervised [the] entire process” to fulfill requirements of the the Epstein Files Transparency Act, the law passed by Congress in November that mandated the DOJ release materials in the case.

If there was any training for those completing the redactions, it would have been overseen by Blanche, Bondi told lawmakers. She also said it was Blanche’s responsibility to determine whether a document was privileged, Bondi told lawmakers.

“He was leading the Epstein matter and the release of everything from the beginning,” Bondi said, according to the transcript.

Bondi’s repeated invocation of her likely successor casts a new, potentially unflattering spotlight on Blanche as his fate in the top post at DOJ is uncertain, with early indications from key GOP senators that his path to confirmation could be tumultuous.

The Justice Department did not immediately respond to a request for comment.

Bondi was subpoenaed by the Oversight Committee in March to answer for the administration’s handling of the Epstein files, after five House Republicans voted with Democrats to force her testimony. Bondi was later ousted by Trump, and Oversight Chair James Comer (R-Ky.) downgraded her appearance to a transcribed interview, meaning it would not be videotaped nor conducted under oath.

Oversight Democrats quickly argued that, given Bondi’s remarks, the committee needed to hear from Blanche and suggested they could soon force a committee vote to subpoena his testimony as well. Blanche’s expected nomination to lead the Justice Department, coupled with the release of Bondi’s interview transcript, could amplify calls for Blanche to testify.

Despite Bondi’s departure from the administration, DOJ staff joined her for the interview last week, at times interjecting on her behalf. Harmeet Dhillon, assistant attorney general for the civil rights division, maintained that she was there “to represent the interests of the DOJ and its interest in effectuating the Transparency Act.” DOJ has said it was not there to represent Bondi in a personal capacity.

But during the interview, Dhillon reminded Bondi she could not discuss “protected communications” and asserted that inquiries were beyond the agreed upon scope of the conversation. She also noted that Bondi’s appearance on Capitol Hill was a voluntary interview — not a deposition — so Bondi did not need to assert a privilege in declining to answer a question.

Other than Bondi’s multiple references to Blanche, her transcribed interview appeared to offer little in the way of new, bombshell information about the administration’s handling of the Epstein case.

Bondi could not recall who managed the process that led to a July 2025 memo on Epstein that sparked immediate outrage in the case. That unsigned memo from the DOJ and FBI stated that authorities did not have a so-called client list, nor did they plan to release further information about the Epstein case. Many accused the administration at that time of reneging on its promise of transparency, laying the groundwork for eventual passage of the Epstein Files Transparency Act.

Bondi also declined to give a status update on the case out of the Southern District of New York, where she had directed the U.S. attorney’s office to continue to investigate the Epstein matter — instead referring questions on the matter to Blanche or U.S. attorney Jay Clayton.

When asked about a conversation she had with Trump, in which she reportedly told him he was mentioned in the Epstein files, Bondi refused to speak about any potential conversation with the president. At one point, Bondi invoked “privilege” over her conversations with Trump; when pressed about the nature of that privilege, Dhillon said those kinds of questions were non-starters.

“We’re not going to get into any conversations that the former Attorney General had with other senior members of the — executive members of the White House and the immediate staff of the President,” Dhillon said to the Oversight Committee, according to the transcript.

Bondi did, however, provide details on the White House Situation Room meeting between top administration officials and Rep. Lauren Boebert (R-Colo.), who was one of few House Republicans who signed onto the discharge petition that forced a floor vote on the Epstein files transparency bill.

The former attorney general quibbled, however, with the characterization that the topic of the meeting was to lobby Boebert against the bill, saying she “recall[ed] the discussion with her was the concern about passing the bill would jeopardize the identity of victims. Which is exactly what ended up happening after the bill was passed; victims’ names were inadvertently released. I recall the topic being protecting victims.”

Congress

AOC endorses El-Sayed in Michigan Senate race

Published

26 minutes ago

July 2, 2026

Blue Light Newsroom

Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez (D-N.Y.) endorsed Abdul El-Sayed’s campaign for Michigan’s open Senate seat on Thursday, a decision that comes as progressives look to capitalize off a series of recent high-profile primary victories in New York, Colorado and elsewhere.

Her endorsement could provide El-Sayed with a critical boost just over a month before the state’s Aug. 4 primary. The former public health official is locked in a heated contest against Rep. Haley Stevens (D-Mich.) and state Sen. Mallory McMorrow for the right to take on Republican Mike Rogers in the general election.

It also comes as El-Sayed has risen to the top of the pack in recent public polling.

Virtually any Democratic path to flipping the Senate in this year’s midterms would see the party hold the open Michigan Senate seat, with two-term Sen. Gary Peters (D-Mich.) retiring at the end of his term.

The race has emerged as perhaps the largest battleground over the ideological future of the party. El-Sayed, who unsuccessfully ran for governor in 2018, has collected endorsements from progressives, while Stevens has the tacit backing of Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer, with AIPAC also boosting her candidacy.

El-Sayed, Ocasio-Cortez said in an interview with The New York Times, is her party’s best chance.

“Despite our ideological differences and whatever disagreements there are in the party, every single one of us sees this moment as existential,” she said. “And I think many people are willing to put aside differences in order to give us the best chance at winning. And I think that Abdul gives us that right now.”

Congress

Capitol agenda: The GOP confronts its lost summer

Published

1 hour ago

July 2, 2026

Blue Light Newsroom

Congress is settling in for a do-nothing summer.

House leaders lost control of their chamber with just eight legislative days before a planned five-week summer recess. And President Donald Trump’s demands for action on a stalled elections bill — along with his series of mercurial power moves — have left Senate Republicans frustrated and morose as major legislation piles up.

Speaker Mike Johnson and Senate Majority Leader John Thune are confronting the reality that ticking items off their pre-midterm to-do list is looking increasingly unattainable.

Wednesday’s events only made that clearer:

— RECON 3.0: Key rank-and-file House members and chairs huddled in Johnson’s office Wednesday to plot a path forward on a long shot policy bill under the party-line reconciliation process.

Those who attended — including Rep. August Pfluger, an avowed cheerleader for the bill — acknowledged hope is fading fast. Members are mired in fights over how to pay for the package, and their goal of advancing a budget blueprint for the bill this week is dashed.

“After this recess, if it doesn’t happen in the first couple of days, then I think it’s in real trouble,” Pfluger, chair of the conservative Republican Study Committee, said in an interview.

— EMERGENCY IRAN FUNDING: Trump has asked Congress to direct billions of dollars to cover the war with Iran — but support for the emergency funding is in serious doubt.

Key Republicans left a classified briefing from senior Pentagon officials Wednesday frustrated by unanswered questions. They want to know how the requested $67 billion would be spent — and whether servicemember paychecks and munitions stockpiles might be at imminent risk.

“We need more information,” said Rep. Ken Calvert, the top House Republican responsible for shepherding the supplemental bill, which also includes farm assistance, disaster and Ebola aid.

— IMMIGRATION: As hard-liners continue to gum up the GOP agenda over the SAVE America Act, some are similarly incensed over Johnson’s failure to act on an immigration measure he promised weeks ago to take up.

Johnson held a call Wednesday with Judiciary Chair Jim Jordan and other members to try to find a path forward but didn’t make much progress, according to five people granted anonymity to discuss the details.

Some centrist Republicans don’t want to vote on it before the midterms, they said, and farm-state members are demanding GOP leaders add guestworker visa provisions — something immigration hard-liners sharply oppose.

And while only a handful of potential developments appear capable of pulling the GOP majorities out of their summer torpor, the contemporary Congress tends to act only when deadlines force it to. That has made the early part of this summer especially languid on Capitol Hill.

It didn’t help, some members noted this week, that lawmakers were sent home early rather than hash out their differences in person.

“We shouldn’t be leaving town,” Rep. Ralph Norman said. “We ought to be working, and we’re not doing it.”

What else we’re watching:

— THE GOP’S DIRTY LITTLE SAVE AMERICA SECRET: House conservatives bristled this week over the Senate’s refusal to pass the SAVE America Act, shutting down the floor in protest. But their outrage has obscured an inconvenient truth for the Republicans locking arms with the president to push for his election security bill: It can’t even pass the House — at least not the version Trump wants. Johnson acknowledged as much this week, appearing to concede he does not have the votes to move forward with a drastic crackdown on mailed ballots that Trump has repeatedly demanded be added to the legislation.

— TRUMP’S CLAYTON REVIVAL: Trump threw Senate Republicans a rare bone Wednesday — telling reporters that Jay Clayton would have a hearing for his director of national intelligence nomination in two weeks. The president’s remarks were welcome (but in several corners, surprising) news for GOP leaders, who had watched in frustration as Trump scuttled both Clayton’s nomination hearing and passage of a key surveillance tool renewal last month.

Meredith Lee Hill, Mia McCarthy, John Sakellariadis and Jordain Carney contributed to this report.

Congress

Congress is settling in for a do-nothing summer

Published

5 hours ago

July 2, 2026

Blue Light Newsroom

The Republican congressional agenda is melting in the summer heat.

Intraparty fights, tight margins, election-year pressures and an indifferent president have grounded the pre-midterm legislative plans of GOP leaders on Capitol Hill, with just a handful of days left to do anything about it.

House leaders, in particular, appear to have lost control of their chamber with just eight session days before a planned five-week summer recess. They discarded two of those days this week, sending members home early for Independence Day after a member rebellion left them unable to move major bills.

Meanwhile, President Donald Trump’s demands for action on a stalled GOP elections bill and a series of mercurial power moves have left Senate Republicans frustrated and morose as major legislation piles up — including the annual defense policy bill, fiscal 2027 spending measures, an extension of government spy powers, the farm bill and more.

“Who needs Democrats when you have your own party derailing the Trump agenda?” Rep. Nicole Malliotakis (R-N.Y.) lamented Tuesday as members unexpectedly scattered for the upcoming holiday.

Absent strong leadership or presidential intervention, the contemporary Congress tends to act only when deadlines force it to, and that has made the early part of this summer especially languid on Capitol Hill.

Lawmakers blew past a supposed June deadline for the surveillance program’s renewal, with spy agencies able to rely on existing wiretaps into early next year. The Pentagon bill doesn’t have to get done until the end of the year, and government funding expires Sept. 30, when it is likely to be extended beyond the November election — along with the farm bill.

Still, frustrations are mounting among the lawmakers who toil at the committee level to prepare bills for a dysfunctional House floor.

“We lost four bills that we might have been able to get across the floor,” House Appropriations Chair Tom Cole (R-Okla.) said Tuesday. “We’re losing time, and time is a very precious commodity.”

The one major piece of legislation passed in recent weeks, a bipartisan housing bill, remains unsigned by Trump, who recently called it a “big yawn.” And the GOP’s chances of passing a new policy bill under the party-line reconciliation process are looking increasingly remote.

House GOP leaders hoped a Trump administration request for defense funding would jump-start plans for that longshot bill, which could carry other Republican priorities ahead of the midterms. Instead, members are mired in fights over how to pay for the package, and hopes of moving forward with a budget blueprint for the bill ahead of the July 4 recess collapsed last month.

Key rank-and-file members and some House chairs huddled in Speaker Mike Johnson’s office Wednesday to plot a way forward on a reconciliation package, but another meeting with Budget Committee Republicans was canceled after GOP leaders sent lawmakers home early.

Those who stayed — including Rep. August Pfluger (R-Texas), an avowed cheerleader for the party-line bill— acknowledged hope is fading fast.

“After this recess, if it doesn’t happen in the first couple of days, then I think it’s in real trouble,” Pfluger, chair of the conservative Republican Study Committee, said in an interview.

Only a handful of potential developments appear capable of pulling the GOP majorities out of their summer torpor.

In the Senate, members are on guard for a potential Supreme Court confirmation fight — especially after National Public Radio mistakenly published a false report about Justice Samuel Alito’s retirement.

Otherwise the chamber is set to debate its version of the defense policy bill and process a handful of Trump nominations later this month before starting its summer recess. Other bills, including those dealing with college sports and cryptocurrency regulations, could also come to the floor.

Republicans in both chambers believe they could be forced to act on an emergency Pentagon funding request that the White House transmitted to Capitol Hill last week to cover the expense of the war with Iran. Farm assistance, disaster aid and other bipartisan priorities could ride along on that bill.

But the military funding request is facing serious doubts as GOP lawmakers bristle at a lack of information from the Trump administration on how the requested $67 billion would be spent — and whether servicemember paychecks and munitions stockpiles might be at imminent risk. Key Republicans left a classified briefing from senior Pentagon officials at the Capitol Wednesday frustrated at the unanswered questions.

“We recognize that the department needs more money fast,” said Rep. Ken Calvert of California, the top Republican responsible for shepherding the supplemental bill through the House. “We’ve got to figure out exactly how much that is, and we’ve got to do that as fast as possible.”

Asked as he left the briefing when exactly the Pentagon needs the money, Rep. Mario Diaz-Balart (R-Fla.) said, “Now.”

“This is really, really, really crucial,” he said.

But even if the administration coughs up the details appropriators like Calvert and Diaz-Balart are demanding, there is no sign the hard-liners holding the House floor hostage are willing to end their blockade — to say nothing about a potential Democratic filibuster in the Senate.

The 13 Republicans who tanked a procedural vote Tuesday had a variety of grievances. Some wanted to pressure the Senate to take up the elections bill, the SAVE America Act. Others wanted to protest Johnson’s failure to act on a border security measure, as they claim he promised to do weeks ago.

“When leadership is making promises and not following through and then you don’t do anything about it, then it’d be, shame on me,” said Rep. Eric Burlison (R-Mo.).

But the proposed border bill is entangled in other intra-GOP conflicts, according to five people granted anonymity to describe internal conversations. House GOP leaders and leadership staff huddled in a series of closed-door meetings Wednesday over the various issues, with still no solution to reopening the floor.

Johnson held a call Wednesday with Judiciary Chair Jim Jordan (R-Ohio) and other members to try to find a path forward without making much progress, according to the five people.

It didn’t help, some members noted this week, that members were sent home early rather than hash out their differences in person.

“We shouldn’t be leaving town,” Rep. Ralph Norman (R-S.C.) said. “We ought to be working, and we’re not doing it.”

Calen Razor and Katherine Tully-McManus contributed to this report.