Congress
Inside Trump’s campaign to make daylight saving time permanent
Donald Trump is setting up his latest loyalty test on Capitol Hill — and it’s not about the war in Iran, Cabinet nominees or his White House ballroom.
Instead, the president is lobbying GOP lawmakers on a plan to make daylight saving time permanent, meaning more daylight in the evening hours and an end to the twice-yearly clock-resetting ritual observed in most states.
Trump has fixated on this issue, believing it resonates with voters who are burdened by “all of the work and money” associated with changing the clocks every six months. He scored an initial victory last month when members of the House Energy and Commerce Committee voted 48-1 to insert an amendment into their portion of a surface transportation reauthorization bill that would codify daylight saving time across the country.
His personal touch, coupled with engagement from the White House Office of Legislative Affairs, helped land the provision in the House transportation bill, according to a senior White House official granted anonymity to share private legislative strategy.
“The president has been actively engaged in this,” the senior official said in an interview. “It’s a big priority for him.”
Trump also made personal phone calls to Republicans on the matter.
“He’s a big fan of it,” said Sen. Josh Hawley (R-Mo.) of a call he received from Trump about making daylight saving time permanent. “He said, ‘Do you still think this is a good idea?’ I said, ‘Yeah, I do, I think it’s a great idea.’”
The president took a victory lap on social media following the committee vote, saying enactment of the so-called Sunshine Protection Act — the text of which was included in the broader measure — would be a “very nice WIN for the Republican Party.”
It remains to be seen, however, whether Trump will be able to parlay support within his party at the committee level to the House and Senate floors, where many members could then be less enthusiastic about voting on a policy change that would have far-reaching consequences.
There have been bipartisan efforts for years to make daylight saving time the norm and none have been successful. Lawmakers have been torn between advocacy from the golf and retail industries eager for more daylight to boost their businesses, and sleep experts who warn of the adverse health effects of darker morning hours — and some Jewish constituents whose daily morning prayers are required to happen in daylight.
Republicans are operating with fragile majorities and rebellions from even one lawmaker can tank an entire bill. In the Senate, Sen. Tom Cotton (R-Ark.) blocked an attempt last October to pass a version of the Sunshine Protection Act on the Senate floor, arguing that farmers in his state “might go three, four, even five hours in the morning without seeing the sun.”
Cotton declined to comment on the latest Trump push to pass the bill. But he’s not alone, said Sen. Shelley Moore Capito of West Virginia, who chairs the Environment and Public Works panel with jurisdiction over the highway funding portion of the surface transportation bill.
“I’ve already heard from people over here who don’t like it,” she said in a recent interview.
The five-year measure is also a must-pass bill that will require bipartisan support, and even Democrats who supported the daylight saving time amendment in committee said in later interviews they don’t think the provision should necessarily carry over to the president’s desk.
“I know that it comes up from time to time, but when I’m at home, people are not talking to me about this whatsoever,” said Rep. Kathy Castor (D-Fla.), a member of the Energy and Commerce Committee. “They’re talking about the high-income cost of gas, high cost of groceries, the fact that health care has been ripped away from them.”
She said the daylight saving time amendment “probably should have [been] debated in the light of day.”
Trump has talked about the economic argument for ending the twice-a-year clock adjustments, recently writing on Truth Socialthat “it’s time that people can stop worrying about the ‘Clock,’ not to mention all of the work and money that is spent on this ridiculous, twice yearly production.”
Ending daylight saving time, he added, “gives you a longer, brighter Day — And who can be against that — This is an easy one!”
Other than that, it’s less clear why Trump has seized on this issue specifically given the various other urgent matters affecting the nation. But according to the senior White House official, the administration’s case is grounded in personal health and the economy — and that every parent of a small child would agree it’s a drag on sleep schedules.
“The overall thrust of the policy is just to stop dealing with the health issues and the various pieces of economic dislocation that occur when we have to change our clocks. And if you’re a parent, the absolute holy hell of having to adjust your children’s internal clocks with the changing of the time, so we think it’s a win-win-win,” the official said.
“Win for the president, win for the American people, and a win for everybody who has to go through this really inconvenient process. We’re going to keep working the bill hard.”
Ending the practice of changing the clocks could be a legacy item for the president, fulfilling something he has been wanting to do since he first publicly endorsed making daylight saving time permanent in 2019.
It’s also a priority for the state of Florida and the golf industry — making it even more personal for the president, a resident of the Sunshine State and an avid golfer. When asked if professional golfers, many of whom are friendly with Trump, could come in to help lobby on the issue, the senior official said only that there’s a “great coalition behind the bill.”
On Capitol Hill, Florida Republicans are leading the fight, with Sen. Rick Scott taking up the mantle after his former colleague Marco Rubio decamped from the Senate to become Secretary of State.
“I passed legislation as governor” of Florida, Scott said in an interview. “The moment it passes, we protect our sunlight … I’m going to make sure it gets passed this year.”
Rep. Vern Buchanan (R-Fla.), a champion of the Sunshine Protection Act in the House, said he was aware the president was making calls on the bill’s behalf.
“Everybody feels basically the same way,” he said in an interview. “I say everybody — most people … want to see that extra hour in the evening.”
As Cotton, Castor and Capito indicated, that may not be the case. The lone opponent against the measure in committee, Rep. Nanette Barragán (D-Calif.), acknowledged the annoyance of the twice-annual time change but raised health and safety concerns that morning darkness would impact Americans’ sleep hygiene.
Yet this might be the first time a president has shown a willingness to expend so much political capital on the issue. And, to Castor’s point about people having bigger things to worry about, industry groups may not be paying close enough attention to try and derail it.
In a statement, a spokesperson for the National Family Farm Coalition said that given other pressing challenges facing farmers — “the continually delayed farm bill, corporate controlled trade policy, rising input costs paired with volatile price markets, USDA restructuring” — the potential end to daylight saving time is “much lower on the priority list.”
The surface transportation bill could run into other problems, including a fight over a bipartisan rail safety bill pushed by Vice President JD Vance that is largely opposed by the powerful freight rail lobby. House GOP leaders are not optimistic a package could land on the floor this month — and, in fact the entire issue might need to be punted to after the November election. It’s also not clear what other legislative vehicle might exist for the Sunshine Protection Act to hitch a ride, Trump’s advocacy notwithstanding.
Rep. Rick Larsen of Washington, the top Democrat on the House Transportation and Infrastructure Committee, called the issue “one of the least important issues that this Congress can deal with,” but welcomed any help from the White House to pass a larger surface transportation package.
“I’m encouraged that they think this is a bill that’s going to move, but I will say this: if they want this … then I hope in the end they help the bill pass,” he said.
Buchanan acknowledged it’s been a long fight already.
“I’ve been working on this thing for eight years, 10 years,” he added. “That’s how long it takes.”
Meredith Lee Hill contributed to this report.
The Senate will vote this week on a House-passed bill to restrict the ability of members of Congress and their families to buy and sell stocks, according to two people granted anonymity to disclose unannounced scheduling.
The vote is likely to take place Wednesday, the people said, pending GOP leaders setting up the plans on the Senate floor.
The stock-trading bill passed the House earlier this year in a 232-198 vote, with only 13 Democrats in favor. Most House Democrats opposed the bill because it would not require members to sell stocks they already own and because they viewed included voter ID language as a “poison pill.”
It will need 60 votes to advance in the Senate, meaning at least seven Democrats would need to support it.
Senate Republicans had been discussing bringing up the bill as one of their final items before leaving Washington until after the midterms — something that could happen as soon as Wednesday.
It’s one of two bills Republicans are expected to tee up this week that is being led by a Republican in a tight reelection race. Sen. Pete Ricketts (R-Neb.) helped roll out the stock trading bill. The included voter ID language has been championed by Sen. Jon Husted (R-Ohio), who is also behind the data center costs bill Republicans also plan to put on the floor this week.
The Senate is — finally — on the verge of making a great escape.
After last week’s decision to stick around and try to make headway on a number of GOP priorities, Senate Republicans could leave town as soon as Wednesday, according to several senators and aides.
A long-sought permitting vote isn’t happening (more on that below), so John Thune’s pre-election to-do list is relatively light.
It starts with final passage of the bipartisan bill overhauling the college sports industry, which is expected Monday night. But the idea that a sports bill could be the last item of Senate business before Election Day has some optics-minded GOP senators grumbling.
“People are worried about the cost of living, I don’t know how else to say it,” said an increasingly vocal Sen. John Kennedy. “We just haven’t addressed it.”
Enter the GOP’s two-for-one special: They’re bringing up a House-passed bill — the Ratepayer Protection Act — aimed at curbing data-center-driven utility cost hikes. They hope the vote will divide Democrats on a hot-button issue and give endangered Sen. Jon Husted something to tout back home in Ohio.
Thune is expected to tee up the bill Monday night for a vote Wednesday. A Schumer spokesperson said over the weekend the bill “falls short” and said Democrats would seek a “stronger standard.”
Blocking a data-center bill wouldn’t make for great headlines for Democrats. On the other hand, they’re in no mood to do favors for Husted, who is facing ex-Sen. Sherrod Brown on Nov. 3.
Also on the agenda: Republicans are discussing votes on measures from Husted and Sen. Pete Ricketts, who is in his own competitive race in Nebraska, to roll back California’s stricter standards for vehicle emissions.
They’re also likely to vote on a House-passed bill to curb lawmaker stock trading. The stock trading bill is being led by Ricketts, and it includes voter ID requirements that have been championed by Husted.
And while Sen. Kevin Cramer removed his hold on one more nominee — Chris Klomp for deputy health secretary — the Senate isn’t expected to vote on that nomination this week.
Cramer is maintaining his broader nominee blockade over Fish and Wildlife regulations — meaning Labor secretary nominee Keith Sonderling and other picks are likely to wait until November.
What else we’re watching:
— THE SENATE’S HOMELAND ROADBLOCK — Sen. Rand Paul has become nearly impossible to get around on everything from cybersecurity to immigration legislation. The Homeland Security chair’s refusal to move forward on several legislative fronts means his colleagues will have to wait until at least January to try to advance their priorities when a new Congress convenes and Paul potentially moves to Senate HELP.
— COLLINS DECRIES POCKET RESCISSIONS — Top Republican appropriator and battleground Sen. Susan Collins Friday night blasted President Donald Trump‘s move to unilaterally cancel funding Congress enacted. Collins pledged to work with other lawmakers “to address these illegal actions.” The president declared canceled nearly $1 billion in a budget maneuver called a “pocket rescission.” The move will almost certainly set up an ugly government funding battle after the midterms, as top Democratic appropriators are also already calling on their GOP colleagues to reject the effort to circumvent Congress.
Eric Bazail-Eimil, Maggie Miller, Jennifer Scholtes and Katherine Tully-McManus contributed to this report.
ALBANY, New York — President Donald Trump’s long-term bromance with New York City Mayor Zohran Mamdani has scrambled Republicans’ collective effort to make the democratic socialist the boogeyman of the midterm elections.
GOP candidates across the country have sought to tie their opponents to the 34-year-old mayor, his anti-Israel views and his brand of socialism — a bet that American voters will reject the Democratic Party’s leftward tilt.
The effort began in earnest last year when the House Republicans’ campaign arm wasted little time launching ads in 49 swing seats nationwide, tying the then-mayor elect to Democratic candidates and warning that a “radical-left earthquake just hit America.” In the race for a hotly contested suburban New York City district held by Rep. Mike Lawler, a House GOP super PAC launched an ad linking his Democratic challenger Cait Conley to the mayor. On Long Island, Republican Mike LiPetri has slammed Mamdani’s “socialist wish list.”
Such attacks are significantly harder to make after Trump, who retains tremendous sway over the Republican base, stood beside Mamdani at Gracie Mansion on Monday and said the mayor has “great potential” and that he’s rooting for his success. The plaudits from the president could not have come at a worse time for a GOP struggling to maintain control of Congress.
“Mamdani is one of the most popular politicians on planet earth right now,” said Chapin Fay, a GOP operative working for a super PAC allied with New York Republican gubernatorial candidate Bruce Blakeman. “Everything that comes out of his mouth I stand against, but he’s good looking, he knows how to operate the media, he’s an incredibly dangerous threat. But you need a good villain to run against in politics, and he’s just not a good villain.”
Still, Republicans aren’t making adjustments. GOP campaigns don’t necessarily expect voters to be turned off by Mamdani specifically, but by a broader concern over the perception that the far left is surging after a string of primary victories by candidates backed by the Democratic Socialists of America. Running against a rising socialist tide is viewed as much easier than competing against the New York City mayor himself.
“That dynamic hasn’t changed,” said one New York Republican operative who was granted anonymity to discuss strategy. “It’s still a very salient issue in the New York City suburbs.”
In a statement, a White House spokesperson touted Trump’s economic record, including tax cuts and addressing prescription drug costs.
“The President’s top priority is always improving the lives of Americans everywhere,” White House spokesperson Allison Schuster said.
The jarring union between two deeply polarizing politicians is an unwelcome splitscreen for Republicans in tough races trying to yoke their moderate opponents to Mamdani’s hard-left image. And their bond has effectively neutralized what could have been a potent weapon for Republicans in a midterm election that increasingly appears dire for the GOP. Polls are showing tightening races in deep red states, while swing seat Republicans need every bit of political ammunition they can muster to counter Democratic attacks over affordability.
The conundrum is particularly complicated for Republicans in deep blue New York, home to several swing districts where the upcoming electoral outcomes stand to determine which party controls the House and the direction of the president’s final two years in office.
It’s an especially thorny challenge for Blakeman, who’s running an uphill campaign against Democratic Gov. Kathy Hochul and has tried to paint the incumbent as a Mamdani fellow traveler. Blakeman’s campaign has released artificial intelligence-generated videos of Blakeman and Mamdani walking side by side, accusing them both of enabling New York City’s destruction. He’s admonished the governor for helping bolster the city’s finances — enabling the mayor’s agenda as a result.
Losing Mamdani as an effective foil, GOP strategists warn, undermines Blakeman’s ability to make that argument against the Democratic governor, who’s leading in the polls.
“It’s very bad for him,” said a Republican operative granted anonymity to speak frankly about the dynamic. “He’s supposed to be the Trump guy and here’s Trump praising Mamdani as a guy with a lot of potential. It seems to have really shocked people all over the state. It really deflates his entire campaign basis.”
Blakeman shrugged off the Gracie Mansion lovefest, insisting to reporters a day later that it had no impact on the race — or his effort to paint Hochul as a far-left radical aligned with the mayor.
“The president is a government official. He’s the highest government official in the United States,” Blakeman said. “And the mayor’s a government official, so I expect that the two of them would talk.”
It’s not the first time a Trump-Mamdani sitdown sapped a Republican’s effort to inject the New York City mayor into their campaign. Rep. Elise Stefanik’s short-lived gubernatorial campaign was short-circuited in part by the lovefest, when the president declined to repeat her claim that Mamdani is “a jihadist.”
For many of those who’ve been in Trump’s orbit, the relationship is a broad reminder that the president continues to harbor a fixation with his hometown where for decades he was a larger-than-life real estate developer.
“One thing you can always count on is that Donald Trump, in spite of everything, loves New York City,” said Michael Caputo, a former Trump administration official and Republican strategist. “I don’t think he’d ever give up on [New York City]. If that makes it a little difficult for some people in their races, I’m sorry, but that was baked into this presidency 50 years ago.”
Trump, who had toyed with running for mayor and governor during his days as a Manhattan developer, has tried to influence New York City’s fate throughout much of his life. He endorsed Mamdani’s main foe in last year’s mayoral election, Andrew Cuomo, warning voters in the financial capital of the world to not elect a socialist. His administration tried unsuccessfully to halt a Manhattan toll plan meant to reduce traffic. And the federal government’s push to redevelop the catacomb-like Penn Station may end up with the president’s name on it.
His meetings with Mamdani have reflected back that intense interest in the five boroughs.
The Trump-Mamdani rapport was forged months ago during their first Oval Office meeting in November. There, the president and the incoming Gotham mayor posed in front of Franklin Roosevelt’s portrait. At their second meeting in February, Mamdani gifted Trump a fake tabloid front page with the headline “Trump to City: Let’s Build” and discussed how to change New York City’s byzantine zoning laws to enable development.
During their most recent meeting the two men discussed building thousands of housing units on top of a Queens rail yard.
“He may not be one of the city’s most popular residents, but he’s never going to quit on New York City,” Caputo said. “It’s never going to matter who the mayor is.”
For similar reasons Mamdani has faced little political downside from the solicitous meetings with a president who most Democrats view with toxicity. The mayor entered office with scant executive experience and has been under pressure to prove he can govern. Trump’s federal government can provide money to help deliver wins for him in City Hall. Much like the president, Mamdani maintains support from an enthusiastic base.
“There’s no danger — his base gives him a complete pass for this,” Democratic strategist Trip Yang said. “There’s no progressive organization that would criticize Mamdani for this. He’s been able to demonstrate some early progress and some potential with Trump.”
Interest has already started to wane in leveraging Mamdani as a villain in Republican campaigns. For suburban New York City voters concerned about public safety and antisemitism, the mayor remains a divisive figure. While a recent Siena Research Institute poll found he has a 60% favorable rating in New York City, only 43% of voters in the suburbs feel the same way.
And some Republicans believe the meetings with Mamdani may have the effect of sanding down some of Trump’s rougher edges — weakening Democratic efforts to demonize the president in the process.
“It works both ways,” former GOP Rep. John Sweeney said. “If one guy is a boogeyman, the other guy is a boogeyman on the other side.”
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