Politics
Dems concede Republicans ‘running circles’ around them online as Trump remakes Washington
The Department of Government Efficiency created its own account on X last November, amassing 4 million followers with a stream of news on contract cancellations and other cuts to the bureaucracy. Elon Musk has posted relentlessly on the social media platform he owns, promoting his own voice on an algorithm he controls.
The Democratic National Committee, meanwhile, started a rapid response account in January with about 121,000 followers, a fraction of DOGE’s reach. And Democrats held traditional rallies outside the USAID and Treasury buildings, where Chuck Schumer, the Senate minority leader, was mocked on late-night TV and by even some within his own party after leading a chant of “We will win!”
It was a halting response by Democrats to a flood of pro-DOGE messaging. And what was worse, according to interviews with more than a dozen Democratic elected officials and strategists, was that they were doing it on the wrong platform — convening a conventional show of resistance for local and national TV cameras, as Schumer did while holding a carton of eggs, while largely leaving unanswered the torrent of MAGA orthodoxy and, in many cases, disinformation online.
In the online war, said Chi Ossé, a Democratic New York City councilman who has built an online following through his short-form, explanatory videos, you “don’t see those folks anywhere.”
“Trump and Republicans have been able to grasp different types of media in how to get their message across that impacts society as a whole, and I do believe that Dem leadership is missing the mark, not only in the election but in our resistance 2.0,” Ossé said. “We need to be active in every medium.”
Instead, in the early days of Trump’s second term, they’re getting swamped. The rapid response account the DNC started in January is a fifth of the size of @RapidResponse47, the Trump White House’s account. Hakeem Jeffries, the House minority leader, has almost a million followers. But Musk, who has posted hundreds of times over the last month, has more than 217 million followers. Some Democratic groups, like MoveOn.Org and Human Rights Campaign, are posting far less on X — if not leaving the site completely for Bluesky, a left-leaning version of X with far fewer users and nowhere the same audience reach.
Conservative personalities hold five of the top 10 podcasts on Spotify, while for liberals, only the New York Times’ columnist Ezra Klein cracks that list. When Ben Shapiro, the controversial conservative podcaster, posts on Facebook, 9.4 million people are following along, compared to about 1.8 million for Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez (D-N.Y.).
Three months after their losses in the November elections — and now three weeks into Donald Trump’s presidency — some Democrats concede they are losing an asymmetrical battle with the president and his MAGA allies, where Trump and Musk have dominated online spaces over the last month. And there is no consensus among them about how to fix their rapid response problems or who’s to blame, these Democrats said.
“Republicans are running circles around Democrats for how to connect to the culture today,” said John Della Volpe, director of Harvard University’s youth poll and an expert on Gen Z. “People are still asking me in these post-election meetings, ‘Who is Theo Von?’ Even if they had the best message, you can’t connect if you’re not part of modern American culture, if you’re not injecting yourself into these spaces where people already are.”
Democrats’ weakness in reaching voters outside traditional channels — TikTok, not BLN; YouTube, not national newspapers — isn’t new. One post-election analysis from Navigator Research, a Democratic research project, found that a majority of “swing voters” and new Trump voters last year got their news primarily from social media and alternative sources, like podcasts. Broadcast and cable news were far less popular amongst those two groups, the research found, while half of Kamala Harris’ voters got their news from broadcast TV outlets.
“Republicans’ ability to speak into the ecosystem is sharper, more precise and Democrats are behind in that,” said Dan Sena, a longtime Democratic strategist and former executive director of the Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee. Sena, like other Democrats, noted that Republicans benefit from a broader media ecosystem that amplifies their message, where a story can travel from a Republican influencer’s video to Musk’s X feed to Joe Rogan’s podcast to Fox News, reaching millions of viewers along the way.
“There is a fight for the attention economy, and today the Republicans are winning. No doubt,” he added.
Sena warned that the fix won’t come from the Democratic National Committee, DCCC or other affiliated party arms, therefore, it’s “not even a fix we can expect right now,” he said. Instead, “that’s going to come through our candidates pushing back, getting their own internal communications sharper as we head into 2026.”
“The leadership vacuum IRL is causing a messaging vacuum online,” said Kyle Tharp, a progressive researcher who tracks digital political trends through his substack, Chaotic Era. “Even though there are some bright spots, Democrats are still getting steamrolled online and there’s not a lot they can do about it because there’s not a single coordinating body or person to push an offensive message.”
“I don’t know how fixable that problem is right now,” Tharp added.
There are some exceptions among Democrats who are piercing through, including Ocasio-Cortez, who regularly goes viral with her Instagram live videos and posts on X. Rep. Maxwell Frost (D-Fla.), the first Gen Z member of Congress, frequently spars with Republicans online, as do Sens. Chris Murphy (D-Conn.) and Brian Schatz (D-Hawaii).
Some Democrats are sharpening their language, which can often generate more online attention, though not without risk of turning off some voters. On Wednesday, Rep. Robert Garcia (D-Calif.) posted a clip of himself on CNN calling Musk “a dick” because “what the American public wants is for us to actually bring weapons to this bar fight.”
“They should be creating bait of their own. Be more aggressive, be more outlandish,” said Tim Miller, a former GOP strategist who now hosts a podcast on The Bulwark, a site founded by anti-Trump Republicans. “I think they should be doing 700X of what they’re doing, in terms of output, volume, platforms, speed.”
And there’s also some evidence that at least some Democrats have gotten the message. Progressive influencer Brian Tyler Cohen spoke to Senate and House members at their respective meetings this week about how to engage on social media, according to two people familiar with the meetings and granted anonymity to discuss private events. Jeffries appeared on Cohen’s show and Jon Stewart’s podcast this week.
Nine Democratic senators joined Pod Save America for a series of live interviews last week, beaming in from Schumer’s office. Sens. Elizabeth Warren (D-Mass.) and Schatz appeared on Adam Mockler’s YouTube show in recent weeks. Sen. Cory Booker (D-N.J.) popped up on The David Pakman Show, another YouTube show for progressives. The DNC hired the staffers behind the @KamalaHQ X account to run its new @FactPostNews efforts, which can be found on X, BlueSky, Threads, Instagram and Facebook.
But even Democrats acknowledge those efforts are the exception in their party. Thirty-five-year-old Texas state Rep. James Talarico, who like Ossé has used social media to push through his political priorities, called the national Democratic response to Trump, “too slow and too tepid and not meeting the moment.”
“Just like the printing press or the radio or the TV, social media is now how we communicate and if we’re not adapting to this new environment, we’re not going to get heard,” Talarico said. “If our party doesn’t keep up, we’re going to be left behind.”
Politics
Poll: Trump’s immigration message changed. Voters’ opinions have not.
The White House recalibrated its approach to immigration in the wake of the backlash against the death of two Americans at the hands of federal officials in Minneapolis, shifting leadership and softening its rhetoric. Yet three months later, Americans’ views of President Donald Trump’s deportations campaign remain broadly negative.
New results from The Blue Light News Poll show that even as the spotlight has moved away from Trump’s mass deportations campaign and onto issues such as the economy and the war in Iran, public opinion has hardly changed, underscoring how difficult it will be for the administration to reset the immigration narrative.
In the poll conducted April 11 to April 14, half of Americans — including one quarter of his 2024 voters — said Trump’s mass deportations campaign, including his widespread deployment of ICE agents, is too aggressive. Roughly a quarter said his immigration posture is about right, while 11 percent say it is not aggressive enough.
The findings offer a warning for the Trump administration — and the GOP — as Republicans look to regain ground on immigration ahead of the midterms.
The once dominant advantage Republicans and Trump held over Democrats on immigration is imperiled, a casualty of the president’s robust enforcement efforts, aggressive crackdowns hundreds of miles from the southern border and images of federal officials detaining children.
The political vulnerability is especially acute among Hispanic voters, a crucial bloc that helped Republicans up and down the ballot in 2024.
While Trump won 46 percent of the Latino vote, the highest share of any GOP presidential candidate in modern history, a majority of Latino voters now disapprove of the president’s handling of immigration (67 percent) and the economy (66 percent),according to a recent poll commissioned by Third Way and UnidosUS.
“The extent of the bottom falling out on Latino voter support for Trump is pretty staggering,” said Lanae Erickson, senior vice president at Third Way. “I think we realized it had softened, but it has really just absolutely eroded any gains that he and his party had made through 2024.”
The April Blue Light News Poll similarly found broad dissatisfaction, with 37 percent of Americans opposing Trump’s mass deportations campaign and its implementation — a figure largely unchanged from January despite intense public attention on enforcement operations and clashes between protesters and federal officials at the time.
A majority also continue to view the increased presence of ICE agents negatively, with 51 percent saying it makes cities more dangerous, similar to the 52 percent who said the same in January, even as the administration ended its immigration surge in Minneapolis and has avoided flashy ICE deployments to other cities in the months since.
The lack of improvement in public sentiment comes despite the administration’s efforts to alter its approach after widespread backlash to the killings of Alex Pretti and Renée Good in Minnesota earlier this year. Trump last month ousted Homeland Security Secretary Kristi Noem, replacing her with former Sen. Markwayne Mullin of Oklahoma, and officials have moved away from high-profile raids, in addition to toning down “mass deportations” in public messaging.
White House aides and allies have instead emphasized arrests, public safety and the president’s success in securing the southern border, as Republicans seek to remind voters why they preferred the GOP on immigration for so long. The shift comes amid a broader fight over immigration enforcement funding, with Republicans now looking to steer billions more to ICE and Border Patrol through the budget reconciliation process after failing to reach a deal with Democrats on policy changes.
The White House maintains its strategy is working. Spokesperson Abigail Jackson said the president was elected to “secure the border and deport criminal illegal aliens, and that he “has done both.”
“The totally secure border means there have been zero releases of illegal aliens for 11 straight months, and the administration remains focused on removing the worst of the worst criminal illegal aliens to secure American communities,” she said. “These commonsense policies are supported by countless Americans.”
But if the polling is the rock, Trump’s base is the hard place. Those who backed Trump in 2024 are much more likely to support his immigration posture. Two-thirds of these respondents say Trump’s mass deportations campaign is either about right or not aggressive enough — levels of support significantly higher than among those who voted for former Vice President Kamala Harris or did not vote.
And there are further divides between those Trump 2024 voters who identify as ‘MAGA’ and those who do not. A strong majority of self-identifying MAGA Trump voters — 82 percent — say his deportation campaign is either about right or not aggressive enough, while 58 percent of non-MAGA Trump voters say the same.
The White House’s messaging pivot on immigration has already drawn ire from some Trump allies. The Mass Deportation Coalition, a group of former Trump administration officials and immigration restrictionist groups, released a white paper earlier this month urging the administration to get to 1 million removals this year. This week, the group spent five figures on ads at bus stops across Washington.
“Mass deportation is broadly supported, both by Trump voters and just everyday Americans,” said Mike Howell, president of the Oversight Project, which commissioned polling last month that suggested deportations are popular among U.S. voters. “When we continue to call out that it’s not happening, it could happen, and it should happen, we think ultimately we’re going to win.”
But at the same time, the crackdown is taking a toll on the Latino voters key to Trump’s 2024 coalition. In South Texas, the construction industry faces a labor shortage as workers are deported — or worried they might be. Across the heartland, farmers entering planting season fret about a lack of workers. In urban centers, businesses in Latino-heavy areas have seen a dropoff in sales, as some people are too scared to shop or dine.
The dropoff was so severe in Minneapolis during Operation Metro Surge that the U.S. Hispanic Chamber of Commerce started GoFundMe fundraisers for small businesses that were on the verge of closing, said Ramiro Cavazos, president and CEO of the USHCC. Some of the businesses closed after sales plummeted 70 percent, he said.
“It’s hard to recover from the sales that they lost, and there’s nobody there to help repair or restore them, due to the fears,” Cavazos said. “Customers have stopped coming into their regular places to visit, for fear of being picked up illegally, not because they themselves might not be legal.”
Irayda Flores, a seafood wholesaler in Arizona, estimated that 80 to 90 percent of Hispanic-owned small businesses have been affected adversely by the immigration enforcement, either due to workforce issues or a dropoff in sales.
“I was not expecting these results from the Republican side, from this new administration,” Flores said.
The dwindling support among Hispanic voters opens the door for Democrats to capitalize in this fall’s midterms, said Clarissa Martinez De Castro, vice president at UnidosUS. “The president and his party are taking a big eraser to the support they had gotten from Latino voters,” she said. “To put it in World Cup terms, [Republicans] are scoring an own goal. And now we’ll see what the opposing team does.”
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