Politics
Democratic governors (and 2028 hopefuls) gather to chart path under a Trump administration
BEVERLY HILLS, California — Still reeling from the party’s electoral losses last month, the country’s Democratic governors descended on a plush Beverly Hills hotel on Friday and Saturday for a series of closed-door meetings with donors, interest groups and advocacy organizations. Officially, the event was a time to chart a path forward under a Trump administration.
Unofficially, it also served as a preview of the next Democratic primary.
“You’re witnessing the kickoff to the 2028 presidential primary, live and in-person,” said one adviser to major Democratic Party donors, granted anonymity to speak candidly. He added: “This is the audition for the next president to a room full of donors, operatives, reporters, etc.”
Kansas Gov. Laura Kelly, who chairs the Democratic Governors Association, emphasized that the meeting was focused on the near term: keeping New Jersey and flipping Virginia in 2025, and on the “huge contingent of governors races in ’26.”
“Trust me, we’re not thinking beyond ’26 at this point,” she said.
But it was hard to ignore the weekend’s guest list stacked with potential 2028 contenders, including Govs. Gavin Newsom of California, Andy Beshear of Kentucky, Gretchen Whitmer of Michigan, Tim Walz of Minnesota, JB Pritzker of Illinois and Roy Cooper of North Carolina. And for two days here, in this state that has long served as a bastion of Democratic politics, the Beverly Hilton was teeming with donors, strategists and lobbyists eager to land meetings with the rising stars.
Asked about the jockeying for 2028, Cooper told Blue Light News: “I’ll just say that there are a lot of great governors across this country who will make great leaders in the future.”
Democratic governors are preparing to thread a fine line between standing up to President-elect Donald Trump’s Republican trifecta in Washington and collaborating with the incoming administration.
Immediately following the election, some Democratic governors launched plans to “Trump-proof” their states, and in a memo released this week, Meghan Meehan-Draper, DGA’s executive director, wrote that Democratic governors would be the “Last Line of Defense” against the incoming GOP trifecta in the federal government.
Blue-state governors have been explicit that they intend to try to block some Trump policies — efforts that will also likely raise their own profiles. Pritzker and Colorado Gov. Jared Polis are leading an organization to “back against increasing threats of autocracy and fortifying the institutions of democracy that our country and our states depend upon” — and although the privately-funded group is non-partisan, the implications are clear.
“You come for my people, you come through me,” Pritzker told reporters last month in a warning to the incoming administration.
In deep-blue New York, Gov. Kathy Hochul and Attorney General Letitia James created an initiative to “address any policy and regulatory threats that may emerge from a Trump Administration.” In California, Newsom called a special session of the legislature to lay the legal groundwork for the state to lead its second Trump resistance.
And Washington Gov. Jay Inslee said, “We’ve already taken from the last rodeo considerable efforts that have been considerably successful to prevent him from abusing our state financially and taking away our resources [and] targeting us.”
“You can’t say we’re ‘Trump-proofed,’ because he still has some levers to pull, but we’ve already done that considerably,” Inslee added.
But with the election loss still smarting, the event implicitly raised the question of who might have the right formula for the next one. Inslee said the governors are “focused on the election cycle for governors right now.” Still, he acknowledged that “the day after every election is the beginning” of the next one.
While the positioning for governors in 2017 was more stridently opposing Trump, this time around they seem to be hedging their bets. Newsom has promised he would offer an “open hand, not a closed fist,” to the incoming administration and other governors signaled a willingness to work alongside Trump on some issues.
Whitmer, who said her state “played a role in supporting president Trump” also said she hoped she would find ways to work with the president-elect. She emphasized “I won’t abandon my values, but I’m going to work hard to find common ground everywhere I can.”
“I’ve got two more years, and my goal is do everything I can for the state,” Whitmer added.
Cooper — who will be replaced as North Carolina governor in January by Democrat Josh Stein — said it would be “really important” for his successor to work with the federal government to help the state recover from Hurricane Helene.
And many acknowledged that the demands of their job required them to pick up the phone when the Trump administration calls. “We will continue to do what we do, which is work with whoever we need to work with to get what we need for our states,” Kelly said.
Politics
The next races where Latino voters will be decisive
Democrats watched with mouths agape this week as Latino voters, many of whom have sat out previous primary seasons, turned out in droves for James Talarico in Texas.
But the push to win back the elusive and swingy coalition that proved pivotal to President Donald Trump’s 2024 victory goes way beyond the closely watched Lone Star State. This is a story that kicked off last year as Democrats overperformed in Latino-dominant districts across Virginia and New Jersey. It’s one that multiple candidates and strategists told Playbook could make or break Dems’ ambitions to take the House — and there’s a handful of key districts across the country that will offer the next test cases.
From Colorado to Arizona to Nebraska, top candidates in Democratic primaries are watching the record turnout numbers from Latinos and making these voters a top target for their campaigns to flip their razor-edge districts now held by Republicans. It’s an early bet as they face primaries in the months ahead — but in seats that in the past have been won by less than a percentage point, these voters could make the difference.
“They vote for Trump, they vote for Mikie Sherrill, they just showed up [in Texas] in record numbers,” said Chuck Rocha, a strategist who advised Talarico’s campaign. “So what that tells you is you should start talking to them sooner with a persuadable message.”
Nebraska’s 2nd Congressional District, the state’s so-called blue dot which is represented by the retiring Republican Rep. Don Bacon, is a top target for Democrats to flip this year. So too is Colorado’s 8th District, held by incumbent Republican Rep. Gabe Evans. There’s also Arizona’s 6th District, which recently was added to the DCCC’s Red-to-Blue program as Democrats aim to edge out incumbent GOP Rep. Juan Ciscomani. All of these districts have an influential minority of Latinos that local strategists say are crucial to any Democratic victory.
Enter this crop of Democratic candidates who watched Texas’ results roll in with an eye toward their own races: Denise Powell in Nebraska, Manny Rutinel in Colorado and JoAnna Mendoza in Arizona.
In each district, there’s a growing enthusiasm on the ground among Latinos that indicates they’ll be major players in this cycle. “Especially when you have a contested primary in a year like this, every vote matters,” Powell said in an interview. “And I know that’s something so cliche that we all say and whatever,” she said. But when it comes to Latinos, “we’re not taking anything for granted.”
Rutinel, one of the top Democrats running in Colorado’s 8th, told Playbook he’s buoyed by the surge in Latino voters that he’s seen. “This is Colorado’s most Latino district. It’s drawn for Latino representation,” he said. “And I think folks right now are feeling both scared on the one hand about what’s happening with ICE brutality in this district and beyond, and they’re also feeling energized to fight back.”
And he’s not the only one in the primary watching the Latino vote: former state legislator Shannon Bird has earned the endorsement of top labor unions with Latino membership. “We’ve already knocked on thousands of doors in heavily Hispanic neighborhoods and attended dozens of community and cultural events organized by local Hispanic institutions,” Bird’s campaign manager Eve Zhurbinskiy said in a statement.
Rutinel and his team are leaning into his background to persuade voters ahead of the June 30 election: “I’m the only Latino candidate in this race and bilingual, I have the ability to speak directly to these communities,” he said. Colorado’s 8th was one of the most expensive House races of the 2024 cycle, and it’s 39 percent Latino. Should Rutinel win, he’d face Evans for a Latino vs. Latino showdown.
Over in Arizona, even its lower Latino-dominant districts like the 6th are still heavily influenced by the coalition. “This is just a part of the world where one out of every three people is Latino,” a Democratic strategist working on Arizona races said. It’s a district that contains parts of Tucson, a major Air Force base and more rural on-the-border voters.
The path to victory there for a Democratic candidate like Mendoza is a bit closer: her primary isn’t nearly as contentious, but the district is a toss-up. Ciscomani, in the 2022 midterm season, carried the district by fewer than 6,000 votes. A Mendoza and Ciscomani matchup will make for another Latino vs. Latino showdown.
But of course, whether it be in Colorado, Arizona or Nebraska, the Democratic nominees will inevitably face a tough battle against Republicans, who’ve made significant inroads with Latinos over the past several years. Republicans are still pointing to those significant margins as they get deeper into the primary season and beyond, and they’re projecting confidence that the margins will stick.
“Democrats haven’t learned a thing from the historic realignment among Hispanic voters in recent elections,” RNC spokesperson Zach Kraft said in a statement. Trump’s agenda of “secure borders, safe communities, and a strong economy resonates with all hardworking Americans and is enabling Republicans to be on offense,” he said.
But with Texas delivering such a resounding early sign of Latino engagement for Democrats, the campaigns are growing more bullish that these voters may start trending back in their direction. “We don’t treat Latino voters like a turnout target. We treat them like they are a persuasion target,” the Arizona strategist said.
Latino voters have historically had abysmal turnout in midterm elections. Many report in polls having never interacted with any campaign. It’s making the recent trends all the more eye-popping, and reaffirming Powell’s campaign strategy to target them in a place like Nebraska’s 2nd, where Latinos in South Omaha make up about 10 percent of the district.
Powell is also facing fierce competition to win over the district’s Latinos ahead of the May 12 primary. John Cavanaugh, a state senator and one of the primary front-runners, said in a statement that he’s also pursuing an “aggressive Latino voter contact plan” building on “prominent Latino endorsements, my work with and for the Hispanic community in the Legislature, and my record of showing up in every part of this district.”
The throughline connecting all these campaigns is the significance of the Latino voter margins. Powell said Democratic campaigns like hers were “glued to Texas” to see if the turnout trend would continue to bear out. With all signs pointing to yes, expect the Latino outreach to grow in these must-watch races.
“We’re paying close attention to it,” a Democratic strategist working in Nebraska said. “We’re communicating to [Latino voters] in every way that we possibly can, and making sure they know we need to turn out in this primary.”
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