Congress
Congress thought it had a spy-powers deal. Then Trump came in.
Congress appeared to be on track to reauthorize a national spy program that’s due to expire in the coming days. Then Donald Trump stepped in.
The president’s decision to name Bill Pulte — a MAGA ally with no national security experience — acting director of national intelligence has upended bipartisan plans to pass a long-term extension of Section 702 of the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act, which has been floating along on a stopgap patch since April amid broader political disagreements about the fate of the spy law.
Members on both sides of the aisle are concerned that U.S. citizens are getting swept up in warrantless surveillance designed to target foreigners overseas and want the program to be significantly reined in. A bipartisan coalition of lawmakers was working to pass a three-year extension.
But Democrats are withdrawing their support in protest of the Pulte appointment, with nearly every Democratic senator joining a handful of Republicans in tanking a procedural vote early Friday morning that would have allowed for passage of that three-year deal before the June 12 deadline.
It’s only the latest in a string of occasions where Trump has acted seemingly on impulse and without consideration for the political fallout and ramifications on Capitol Hill. That has complicated efforts by Senate Majority Leader John Thune and Speaker Mike Johnson’s to enact the president’s agenda with just months to go until the midterms.
“I don’t think he thinks about the impact on us and the timing,” Sen. Lisa Murkowski (R-Alaska) told reporters. “Which is unfortunate because it really has had an impact. Quite honestly, I’m worried about what we’re going to do on FISA.”
The newest FISA hiccup comes after GOP leaders saw passage of their immigration enforcement bill delayed, and almost entirely derailed, by Trump’s unrelated demands — first for more money to cover security features surrounding the White House ballroom project, then over the announcement of a $1.8 billion “Anti-Weaponization Fund” that fueled a wave of Republican furor on Capitol Hill.
The usually even-keeled Thune has hinted publicly at frustrations over how the administration’s uncoordinated decisions are making it harder to advance GOP priorities.
“Timing is everything. And we’re trying to get some stuff done up here, things that the White House wants done that … get more complicated with the weekly announcements,” Thune said last week.
Thune said after Friday’s failed FISA vote that it was “irresponsible” for Democrats to risk letting the surveillance power lapse. But when asked what impact Trump’s Pulte announcement had on that vote outcome, he conceded that there “have been timing issues around several things they’ve done in the last few weeks.”
Trump announced Thursday that Pulte would not be the formal nominee to succeed Tulsi Gabbard as director of national intelligence — a move widely seen as an indirect acknowledgment his appointment was causing political headaches. Two people granted anonymity to speak candidly said Republicans viewed this step as Trump responding to private warnings from GOP lawmakers about Pulte and his impact on the spy power extension discussions.
But his assurances weren’t enough for Senate Democrats. All except Sen. John Fetterman of Pennsylvania voted against advancing a deal that would have paired a three-year extension with some new guardrails and transparency requirements.
Later Friday, Trump told the Wall Street Journal he wants Pulte to begin firing a slew of employees in the intelligence community — further inflaming Democrats who are already on guard against Trump administration efforts to downsize the federal bureaucracy.
Several Democrats who were at one point inclined to help Republicans pass a long-term FISA extension now say they are not interested in cooperating until Pulte is removed.
“You just couldn’t have thrown an uglier wrench into the process,” said Rep. Jim Himes, the top Democrat on the House Intelligence Committee, in an interview.
“I’m bleeding Democrats” willing to vote for a deal, he added, “and we didn’t have that many to begin with.”
Across the Capitol, Sen. Jeanne Shaheen of New Hampshire, who was viewed as a Democrat likely to help advance a surveillance powers bill, said in a statement that Trump “is undermining extension of this critical authority” with the appointment.
“Pulte must go,” she said.
Meanwhile, the setback in the Senate is only empowering privacy hawks in both parties who believe they now have momentum to kill any FISA deal that doesn’t include sweeping changes whether Pulte gets yanked from his acting leadership post or not — further complicating matters for Thune and Johnson.
“Warrantless FISA surveillance depends on a handful of government officials to choose not to misuse the most powerful spying apparatus the world has ever seen,” Sen. Ron Wyden (D-Ore.) said in a statement Friday. “Firing Pulte won’t solve the real problem.”
Republicans are hoping that talks between the White House and congressional Democrats can help shake things loose. Thune said “the administration will have to consider and Democrats will have to think about” if any deal can get through with Pulte in his current role.
Even if the Senate can manage to pass a FISA extension this week, House GOP leaders still have several hurdles to overcome in order to pass it in time.
Members of the House Freedom Caucus have revived a social media campaign demanding intelligence agencies get a warrant before searching the foreign data for Americans, and some hard-liners are pushing for the inclusion of a permanent ban on the Federal Reserve’s ability to issue a digital currency.
“I think we ought to just hold our powder dry and see what actually comes out of the Senate,” said Rep. Keith Self (R-Texas), a proponent of incorporating both policy changes into the bill.
He added it was “probably reasonable” to predict another short-term deadline punt at this point. Another hard-liner, Rep. Byron Donalds (R-Fla.), agreed it likely will “unfortunately” be needed.
House Democrats say they are not inclined at this point to move things along.
“We need the administration to appoint someone as DNI who’s going to take FISA seriously,” Rep. Brad Schneider of Illinois, chair of the centrist New Democrat Coalition, said Friday.
Even Himes, among the most vocal Democrats in favor of keeping FISA from expiring, wouldn’t commit to supporting an extension now without first securing Pulte’s removal.
“I was actually looking forward to gaining Democrats” to vote on an extension, Himes said. “Instead, my phone is ringing with Democrats telling me to go pound sand on FISA.”
The Senate will vote this week on a House-passed bill to restrict the ability of members of Congress and their families to buy and sell stocks, according to two people granted anonymity to disclose unannounced scheduling.
The vote is likely to take place Wednesday, the people said, pending GOP leaders setting up the plans on the Senate floor.
The stock-trading bill passed the House earlier this year in a 232-198 vote, with only 13 Democrats in favor. Most House Democrats opposed the bill because it would not require members to sell stocks they already own and because they viewed included voter ID language as a “poison pill.”
It will need 60 votes to advance in the Senate, meaning at least seven Democrats would need to support it.
Senate Republicans had been discussing bringing up the bill as one of their final items before leaving Washington until after the midterms — something that could happen as soon as Wednesday.
It’s one of two bills Republicans are expected to tee up this week that is being led by a Republican in a tight reelection race. Sen. Pete Ricketts (R-Neb.) helped roll out the stock trading bill. The included voter ID language has been championed by Sen. Jon Husted (R-Ohio), who is also behind the data center costs bill Republicans also plan to put on the floor this week.
The Senate is — finally — on the verge of making a great escape.
After last week’s decision to stick around and try to make headway on a number of GOP priorities, Senate Republicans could leave town as soon as Wednesday, according to several senators and aides.
A long-sought permitting vote isn’t happening (more on that below), so John Thune’s pre-election to-do list is relatively light.
It starts with final passage of the bipartisan bill overhauling the college sports industry, which is expected Monday night. But the idea that a sports bill could be the last item of Senate business before Election Day has some optics-minded GOP senators grumbling.
“People are worried about the cost of living, I don’t know how else to say it,” said an increasingly vocal Sen. John Kennedy. “We just haven’t addressed it.”
Enter the GOP’s two-for-one special: They’re bringing up a House-passed bill — the Ratepayer Protection Act — aimed at curbing data-center-driven utility cost hikes. They hope the vote will divide Democrats on a hot-button issue and give endangered Sen. Jon Husted something to tout back home in Ohio.
Thune is expected to tee up the bill Monday night for a vote Wednesday. A Schumer spokesperson said over the weekend the bill “falls short” and said Democrats would seek a “stronger standard.”
Blocking a data-center bill wouldn’t make for great headlines for Democrats. On the other hand, they’re in no mood to do favors for Husted, who is facing ex-Sen. Sherrod Brown on Nov. 3.
Also on the agenda: Republicans are discussing votes on measures from Husted and Sen. Pete Ricketts, who is in his own competitive race in Nebraska, to roll back California’s stricter standards for vehicle emissions.
They’re also likely to vote on a House-passed bill to curb lawmaker stock trading. The stock trading bill is being led by Ricketts, and it includes voter ID requirements that have been championed by Husted.
And while Sen. Kevin Cramer removed his hold on one more nominee — Chris Klomp for deputy health secretary — the Senate isn’t expected to vote on that nomination this week.
Cramer is maintaining his broader nominee blockade over Fish and Wildlife regulations — meaning Labor secretary nominee Keith Sonderling and other picks are likely to wait until November.
What else we’re watching:
— THE SENATE’S HOMELAND ROADBLOCK — Sen. Rand Paul has become nearly impossible to get around on everything from cybersecurity to immigration legislation. The Homeland Security chair’s refusal to move forward on several legislative fronts means his colleagues will have to wait until at least January to try to advance their priorities when a new Congress convenes and Paul potentially moves to Senate HELP.
— COLLINS DECRIES POCKET RESCISSIONS — Top Republican appropriator and battleground Sen. Susan Collins Friday night blasted President Donald Trump‘s move to unilaterally cancel funding Congress enacted. Collins pledged to work with other lawmakers “to address these illegal actions.” The president declared canceled nearly $1 billion in a budget maneuver called a “pocket rescission.” The move will almost certainly set up an ugly government funding battle after the midterms, as top Democratic appropriators are also already calling on their GOP colleagues to reject the effort to circumvent Congress.
Eric Bazail-Eimil, Maggie Miller, Jennifer Scholtes and Katherine Tully-McManus contributed to this report.
ALBANY, New York — President Donald Trump’s long-term bromance with New York City Mayor Zohran Mamdani has scrambled Republicans’ collective effort to make the democratic socialist the boogeyman of the midterm elections.
GOP candidates across the country have sought to tie their opponents to the 34-year-old mayor, his anti-Israel views and his brand of socialism — a bet that American voters will reject the Democratic Party’s leftward tilt.
The effort began in earnest last year when the House Republicans’ campaign arm wasted little time launching ads in 49 swing seats nationwide, tying the then-mayor elect to Democratic candidates and warning that a “radical-left earthquake just hit America.” In the race for a hotly contested suburban New York City district held by Rep. Mike Lawler, a House GOP super PAC launched an ad linking his Democratic challenger Cait Conley to the mayor. On Long Island, Republican Mike LiPetri has slammed Mamdani’s “socialist wish list.”
Such attacks are significantly harder to make after Trump, who retains tremendous sway over the Republican base, stood beside Mamdani at Gracie Mansion on Monday and said the mayor has “great potential” and that he’s rooting for his success. The plaudits from the president could not have come at a worse time for a GOP struggling to maintain control of Congress.
“Mamdani is one of the most popular politicians on planet earth right now,” said Chapin Fay, a GOP operative working for a super PAC allied with New York Republican gubernatorial candidate Bruce Blakeman. “Everything that comes out of his mouth I stand against, but he’s good looking, he knows how to operate the media, he’s an incredibly dangerous threat. But you need a good villain to run against in politics, and he’s just not a good villain.”
Still, Republicans aren’t making adjustments. GOP campaigns don’t necessarily expect voters to be turned off by Mamdani specifically, but by a broader concern over the perception that the far left is surging after a string of primary victories by candidates backed by the Democratic Socialists of America. Running against a rising socialist tide is viewed as much easier than competing against the New York City mayor himself.
“That dynamic hasn’t changed,” said one New York Republican operative who was granted anonymity to discuss strategy. “It’s still a very salient issue in the New York City suburbs.”
In a statement, a White House spokesperson touted Trump’s economic record, including tax cuts and addressing prescription drug costs.
“The President’s top priority is always improving the lives of Americans everywhere,” White House spokesperson Allison Schuster said.
The jarring union between two deeply polarizing politicians is an unwelcome splitscreen for Republicans in tough races trying to yoke their moderate opponents to Mamdani’s hard-left image. And their bond has effectively neutralized what could have been a potent weapon for Republicans in a midterm election that increasingly appears dire for the GOP. Polls are showing tightening races in deep red states, while swing seat Republicans need every bit of political ammunition they can muster to counter Democratic attacks over affordability.
The conundrum is particularly complicated for Republicans in deep blue New York, home to several swing districts where the upcoming electoral outcomes stand to determine which party controls the House and the direction of the president’s final two years in office.
It’s an especially thorny challenge for Blakeman, who’s running an uphill campaign against Democratic Gov. Kathy Hochul and has tried to paint the incumbent as a Mamdani fellow traveler. Blakeman’s campaign has released artificial intelligence-generated videos of Blakeman and Mamdani walking side by side, accusing them both of enabling New York City’s destruction. He’s admonished the governor for helping bolster the city’s finances — enabling the mayor’s agenda as a result.
Losing Mamdani as an effective foil, GOP strategists warn, undermines Blakeman’s ability to make that argument against the Democratic governor, who’s leading in the polls.
“It’s very bad for him,” said a Republican operative granted anonymity to speak frankly about the dynamic. “He’s supposed to be the Trump guy and here’s Trump praising Mamdani as a guy with a lot of potential. It seems to have really shocked people all over the state. It really deflates his entire campaign basis.”
Blakeman shrugged off the Gracie Mansion lovefest, insisting to reporters a day later that it had no impact on the race — or his effort to paint Hochul as a far-left radical aligned with the mayor.
“The president is a government official. He’s the highest government official in the United States,” Blakeman said. “And the mayor’s a government official, so I expect that the two of them would talk.”
It’s not the first time a Trump-Mamdani sitdown sapped a Republican’s effort to inject the New York City mayor into their campaign. Rep. Elise Stefanik’s short-lived gubernatorial campaign was short-circuited in part by the lovefest, when the president declined to repeat her claim that Mamdani is “a jihadist.”
For many of those who’ve been in Trump’s orbit, the relationship is a broad reminder that the president continues to harbor a fixation with his hometown where for decades he was a larger-than-life real estate developer.
“One thing you can always count on is that Donald Trump, in spite of everything, loves New York City,” said Michael Caputo, a former Trump administration official and Republican strategist. “I don’t think he’d ever give up on [New York City]. If that makes it a little difficult for some people in their races, I’m sorry, but that was baked into this presidency 50 years ago.”
Trump, who had toyed with running for mayor and governor during his days as a Manhattan developer, has tried to influence New York City’s fate throughout much of his life. He endorsed Mamdani’s main foe in last year’s mayoral election, Andrew Cuomo, warning voters in the financial capital of the world to not elect a socialist. His administration tried unsuccessfully to halt a Manhattan toll plan meant to reduce traffic. And the federal government’s push to redevelop the catacomb-like Penn Station may end up with the president’s name on it.
His meetings with Mamdani have reflected back that intense interest in the five boroughs.
The Trump-Mamdani rapport was forged months ago during their first Oval Office meeting in November. There, the president and the incoming Gotham mayor posed in front of Franklin Roosevelt’s portrait. At their second meeting in February, Mamdani gifted Trump a fake tabloid front page with the headline “Trump to City: Let’s Build” and discussed how to change New York City’s byzantine zoning laws to enable development.
During their most recent meeting the two men discussed building thousands of housing units on top of a Queens rail yard.
“He may not be one of the city’s most popular residents, but he’s never going to quit on New York City,” Caputo said. “It’s never going to matter who the mayor is.”
For similar reasons Mamdani has faced little political downside from the solicitous meetings with a president who most Democrats view with toxicity. The mayor entered office with scant executive experience and has been under pressure to prove he can govern. Trump’s federal government can provide money to help deliver wins for him in City Hall. Much like the president, Mamdani maintains support from an enthusiastic base.
“There’s no danger — his base gives him a complete pass for this,” Democratic strategist Trip Yang said. “There’s no progressive organization that would criticize Mamdani for this. He’s been able to demonstrate some early progress and some potential with Trump.”
Interest has already started to wane in leveraging Mamdani as a villain in Republican campaigns. For suburban New York City voters concerned about public safety and antisemitism, the mayor remains a divisive figure. While a recent Siena Research Institute poll found he has a 60% favorable rating in New York City, only 43% of voters in the suburbs feel the same way.
And some Republicans believe the meetings with Mamdani may have the effect of sanding down some of Trump’s rougher edges — weakening Democratic efforts to demonize the president in the process.
“It works both ways,” former GOP Rep. John Sweeney said. “If one guy is a boogeyman, the other guy is a boogeyman on the other side.”
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