Congress
Ballroom won’t be funded after Senate GOP drops $1 billion Trump security request
In a blow to the White House, Senate Republicans will remove a $1 billion Secret Service funding request that would help President Donald Trump’s ballroom project from their immigration enforcement funding bill amid internal objections.
“We were told that the ballroom money is out,” Sen. John Kennedy (R-La.) told reporters after a GOP lunch meeting Wednesday, adding he’d “like to read the text.”
The decision to omit the security funding came after twin blows: Senate Parliamentarian Elizabeth MacDonough ruled over the weekend that the provision didn’t comply with the strict rules governing what Republicans can put in their filibuster-skirting bill because it funded activities outside of the Judiciary Committee’s jurisdiction.
And several GOP senators aired public concerns about including any ballroom funding in a bill otherwise dedicated to immigration enforcement. A larger swath of Republicans were privately opposed, with the mood souring further Tuesday amid anger over Trump’s decision to endorse Ken Paxton over incumbent Sen. John Cornyn in the upcoming GOP primary runoff in Texas.
Senate Majority Leader John Thune told Republicans during the lunch Wednesday that both factors — the parliamentary issues and the vote count — remain obstacles to including the Secret Service security funding, according to two people granted anonymity to describe the private gathering.
Kennedy told reporters he believed the entire Secret Service provision would be omitted, as did one of the two people, another GOP senator.
Thune, after the lunch, said conversations are ongoing and that the bill text isn’t yet finalized.
Draft legislation made an explicit mention of the East Wing Modernization Project, specifying that part of the $1 billion in Secret Service funding could be used for “above-ground and below-ground security features” of the ballroom project.
That mention was a top priority for the White House, which made clear earlier this month that passage of the bill with the language included would amount to Congress granting approval to the ballroom project as a whole. The administration is currently mired in court after a federal judge ruled earlier this year that the project had not been properly authorized by lawmakers.
Senate Majority Leader John Thune said in an interview late last week that the White House had given them proposed legislative text related to the project.
Republicans are privately bracing for a furious Trump reaction to the decision to drop the security funding, according to two people granted anonymity to describe internal conversations. Even before Senate GOP leaders made the decision, the president called for MacDonough’s firing in a Truth Social post.
There had been signs for days, though, that the language was problematic. The administration tried to reassure senators that only $220 million of $1 billion in Secret Service money would potentially go toward the ballroom project and otherwise “hardening” the White House complex.
But GOP senators still had unanswered questions heading into Wednesday, which they viewed as the unofficial deadline for making a decision as they rush to send a bill to Trump’s desk this week.
Removing the Secret Service funding won’t solve all the political headaches Republicans are facing on the immigration bill.
Democrats are expected to propose an amendment targeting a new Justice Department “anti-weaponization” fund created as part of a settlement with Trump that could be used to compensate the president’s political allies.
Republicans believe such an amendment would get enough GOP support to be added to the bill, according to two people granted anonymity to disclose private discussions.
Congress
Republicans come to grips with midterm reality: Trump won’t be doing them any favors
An emboldened President Donald Trump is determined to flex his power over the GOP — at seemingly any cost.
Republicans are coming to grips with a president who less than six months out from the midterms is focused on racking up a body count of lawmakers who have crossed him, asserting his control over his party and burnishing his legacy — putting the GOP legislative agenda and the survival of its majorities at risk.
That reckoning is playing out on Capitol Hill this week as frustrated Republicans — including some lawmakers that Trump has essentially cast out of the party — joined with Democrats to rebuke his handling of the Iran war, deny public money for his White House ballroom and decry an “anti-weaponization” fund that could be used to pay presidential allies.
It does not appear that Trump or many of his allies in Congress are prepared to heed that message. Instead they are doubling down on loyalty.Speaker Mike Johnson tried to quiet any anxieties within his conference Wednesday, arguing that the president “knows what’s at stake” this November and is working to keep the GOP in control in the House and Senate.
But asked about Trump ousting Kentucky Rep. Thomas Massie, one of few remaining GOP mavericks in Congress, the speaker made clear that a certain level of dissent will not be tolerated.
“We need people here … who are not trying to carve out their own lane and do something that’s destructive or counterproductive to the agenda, and that’s what’s happened,” Johnson said. “That’s the message.”
Just as Johnson spoke, Trump turned his fire on yet another GOP lawmaker — Rep. Brian Fitzpatrick, who represents a purple Pennsylvania district that Kamala Harris won in 2024 and is widely seen as the only Republican capable of holding it.
Trump attacked him after fielding a question he didn’t like from a Fox News reporter who is engaged to Fitzpatrick: “He likes voting against Trump. You know what happens with that? It doesn’t work out well.”
Coming on the heels of Trump’s moves to oust two sitting GOP senators, many Republicans blanched as the president again unloaded on one of their own.
“It’s dumb,” said Rep. Don Bacon (R-Neb.), who is choosing to retire at the end of his current term after clashing with Trump on numerous issues.
“It seems like he’s given up on holding the majority and focusing on loyalty in the minority,” said another House Republican granted anonymity to speak candidly.
Fitzpatrick told reporters Trump’s attacks would have “zero” effect on his positions: “He can say what he wants. It doesn’t impact me at all. It doesn’t hurt my feelings.”
To be sure, some Republicans are openly cheering the president’s bare-knuckle crackdown on his opponents within the party. But others are despondent about where the president’s attention appears to be — on his ballroom, a triumphal arch and the internal revenge campaign — as gas prices continue to rise and the Iran war drags on with little end in sight.
“I believe that there are people in the White House who couldn’t care less about what happens in November,” said Sen. Thom Tillis (R-N.C.), who, like Bacon, is retiring. “And that goes to show you how stupid they are, because if they don’t get Republicans reelected, they’re going to create the most miserable two years of this president’s life.”
Trump officials are dismissing any concerns about the president’s focus.
White House spokesperson Olivia Wales touted the president’s policy accomplishments, including border security, tax cuts and a drop in violent crime. She said the president will continue to “draw a contrast” with Democrats ahead of the election by highlighting his “common sense agenda.”
“President Trump is the unequivocal leader, best messenger, and unmatched motivator for the Republican party,” Wales said, while RNC spokesperson Kiersten Pels said “voters overwhelmingly continue to reward candidates who stand with the President and his winning movement.”
A senior White House official said other Republicans simply needed to submit given Trump’s grip on the GOP electorate: “The quicker they understand that President Trump is the ultimate force in politics, the quicker they’ll realize it’s a futile exercise to go against him.”
Back on Capitol Hill, House GOP leaders took a less bombastic approach as they defended Fitzpatrick from Trump’s barbs.
“Look, Brian Fitzpatrick has a very difficult district — he has an independent streak, as we all know — but he’s a very close friend and colleague of mine,” Johnson said in an interview later Wednesday, adding that he was “working hard to get him reelected.”
Rep. Richard Hudson of North Carolina, who leads the House GOP campaign arm, declined to comment on Trump’s attack but noted that “holding that seat is really important for holding the majority.”
Party loyalty was an even touchier subject in the Senate this week as Republicans reeled from the president’s successful campaign to end Louisiana Sen. Bill Cassidy’s two-term career in the chamber and his late-breaking endorsement undercutting Texas Sen. John Cornyn’s reelection bid.
“There’s growing frustration that the president won’t aim his ire at Democrats instead of Republicans,” said one senior Senate GOP aide who was granted anonymity to speak candidly.
Senate Majority Leader John Thune acknowledged the tough reality he faces Wednesday, a day after Cassidy helped advance a measure that would rein in Trump’s military campaign against Iran: “Obviously, there’s always a consequence associated with taking on incumbent United States senators.” “He obviously has his favorites and people he wants to endorse, and that’s his prerogative, but what we have to deal with up here is moving an agenda,” Thune added. “Obviously that can become slightly more complicated.”
Trump’s refusal to brook any disagreement with a fellow Republican or walk away from legacy-burnishing projects that others in his party find hard to defend has Democrats feeling more bullish by the day about their midterm opportunities.
“He’s focused on a revenge tour and not at all on the struggles that American families are having, and they see that every day in … his focus on ballrooms or reflecting pools, slush funds, golf courses,” said Rep. Suzan DelBene of Washington, who leads Democratic House campaign efforts. “They’ve ignored the needs of the American people.”
Reacting Wednesday to Massie’s loss, House Majority Leader Steve Scalise said that all members needed to remember that they are “here to represent the people that sent you” and referenced Cassidy’s loss as another object lesson.
“Just like in Louisiana Saturday, it just goes to show that the voters have the ultimate say on whether we stay or come back, and if you break the trust with your voters, they’re going to send you home,” he said.
Fitzpatrick said much the same.
“Every bill that comes to the floor is either a net positive or a net negative for your district,” he said. “They’re your bosses. … I know my constituents, and I’m sure many other representatives’ constituents do not want taxpayer money going to a ballroom.”
Samuel Benson and Kelsey Brugger contributed to this report.
Congress
Senators consider taking legislative action on prediction markets
Senators are signaling an appetite for pursuing legislation that would create federal standards for prediction markets that allow people to place cheap bets on sports — and just about anything else.
“There’s interest from members on the panel to move forward and get something on the books,” said Sen. Marsha Blackburn (R-Tenn.) said Wednesday in an interview after she presided over a Senate Commerce subcommittee hearing on the topic.
She added she planned to confer with the full Commerce Committee chair, Sen. Ted Cruz (R-Texas), about a path forward.
The hearing, convened by the Subcommittee on Consumer Protection, was billed as a fact-gathering exercise on the risks associated with popular online platforms like Kalshi and Polymarket — especially among young people — as well as sports scandals related to match-fixing and insider trading.
It came as House lawmakers are beginning their own internal conversations about cracking down specifically on the ability of lawmakers, their spouses and dependent children to exploit their insider knowledge to game the system across prediction markets, according to three people granted anonymity to share direct knowledge of the conversations.
House Majority Leader Steve Scalise (R-La.) said Wednesday that House Administration Committee Chair Bryan Steil (R-Wis.) was “looking at” legislative options but details are still murky.
The Senate hearing revealed there could be strong industry pushback to efforts to regulate the prediction market space. For instance, Patrick McHenry — the former chair of the House Financial Services Committee who is now an adviser for the Coalition for Prediction Markets — argued prediction markets are already thoroughly regulated by the Commodity Futures Trading Commission.
He also defended platforms like Kalshi and Robinhood, likening them to commodities futures that allow people to hedge against uncertain actions: “When grain futures came to fruition over 100 years ago, it was viewed much the same,” he said.
McHenry said he welcomed Congress’ input, but in an interview after the hearing he stressed the need to educate lawmakers.
“Part of this is just exposure on what we are doing — how these things function, what are these things doing to protect consumers,” McHenry said, adding that technology has allowed the platforms to be more proactive to find and penalize bad actors. “There has not been a significant education campaign prior to this year,” he said.
But senators also heard from Bill Miller, CEO of the American Gambling Association, who argued prediction markets were skirting rigorous rules established for sports betting and costing local governments tax funding.
“What we’ve seen is basically this tsunami created by prediction markets in a completely unregulated manner,” Miller said. “Yes, they are absolutely not competent to handle this, and … they are absolutely hurting tribes and states.”
Cruz appeared somewhat sympathetic to the argument.
“There is serious disagreement about whether the CFTC can unilaterally allow prediction markets to offer sports events contracts pursuant to the Commodity Exchanges Act,” he said in opening remarks Wednesday. “Many simply see prediction markets as a work around to state gambling laws. The courts are split. Ultimately, unless Congress acts, the Supreme Court may have to decide the issue.”
Meredith Lee Hill contributed to this report.
Congress
House GOP cancels war powers vote
House GOP leaders are canceling a vote on an Iran war powers resolution they had previously scheduled tor Wednesday, according to three people granted anonymity to share private scheduling updates.
Due to GOP absences and defections, the measure likely would have been approved if the vote were held today. Rather than take that risk, Republicans are now expected to hold the vote Thursday.
It comes the day after the Senate moved its own war powers resolution over a procedural hurdle in a surprise rebuketo President Donald Trump.
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