Congress
The messy standoff driving a wedge between a bipartisan Senate duo
Sens. Susan Collins and Patty Murray have long prided themselves on working together to advance government funding bills. That collegiality is now showing signs of decay.
The Maine Republican and Washington Democrat have been openly feuding about the path forward on spending measures this summer. It comes after their successful collaboration on bipartisan legislation during Murray’s two-year reign as chair of the Senate Appropriations Committee, which continued when Collins took the gavel last year.
Democrats attribute the clash to Collins’ pursuit of President Donald Trump’s demands for a record military budget that eclipses domestic spending, as she fights to retain her Senate seat in November. Republicans say Murray is playing midterm politics by trying to prevent Collins from landing a deal before Election Day, when Democrats hope to regain House and Senate majorities — and the upper hand in year-end funding talks.
“It’s not personal, but it is very frustrating,” Collins said last week, while insisting she and Murray are still on good terms.
All Murray would say about the state of their relationship was, “We’re talking.”
While that impasse doesn’t necessarily heighten the odds of a government shutdown this fall, it could delay any meaningful Senate appropriations action until after the elections. The outcome of congressional races — including Collins’ toss-up contest against Democrat Graham Platner — could change the power balance in government funding negotiations.
“It certainly looks to me like the Democrats don’t want to give Susan Collins a victory,” House Appropriations Chair Tom Cole (R-Okla.) said in an interview. “I really think it’s intensely political. She is a very reasonable legislator. If you can’t make a deal with Susan Collins, you don’t want to make a deal.”
Part of Collins’ campaign-trail pitch to Mainers is that she gets results in Washington, and her inability to advance the dozen annual appropriations bills through her committee undercuts that narrative.
Collins isn’t refuting the idea that Democrats might want to deprive her of legislative success as she competes against Platner in one of the closest and most-watched races in the country.
“That’s certainly a viable theory, which is pretty pathetic,” she said in an interview.
This month Collins publicly accused Murray of sending government funding offers that have “made it clear that Democrats are abandoning the appropriations process.” Murray, meanwhile, suggested Collins was at fault for the stalemate by divulging she hadn’t responded to Murray’s latest offer in more than two weeks.
It’s a major tone shift for the two lawmakers, who have earned a reputation for trying to stay out of the partisan fray since they became their party’s top leaders on the Appropriations Committee in 2023. They’ve consistently resisted broadcasting behind-the-scenes friction during tough negotiations and succeeded in reaching cross-party compromises to advance funding bills each year — even after the record government shutdown last fall.
But they’re now at loggerheads over funding totals for the military and domestic programs, along with votes on hot-button Trump policies. Senate Republicans are seeking a military funding boost more than four times larger than any increase in domestic spending, as Trump calls for a record $1.5 trillion defense budget.
“We do not have an agreement,” Murray said, because Republicans “are set on increasing defense in an increasingly huge way that we’ve never had to deal with before.”
GOP senators also want to avoid any amendment votes that could sink approval of appropriations bills, including some related to the Justice Department’s “Anti-Weaponization Fund” administration officials have promised not to pursue.
The result is that Collins has yet to hold a committee markup on a single government funding bill with just three months left before federal dollars expire. And some Republican appropriators acknowledge it’s possible the panel won’t vote on any of the spending measures this year given the deadlock.
“Obviously Susan is up this year. And Democrats, at every level and every opportunity, are playing politics with it,” Senate Majority Leader John Thune said in an interview. “The appropriations process used to be fairly bipartisan. … Murray and the Democrats have turned it into a partisan game.”
Some Democrats openly sympathize with Collins’ predicament in trying to represent politically moderate Maine while holding one of the most influential positions on Capitol Hill during Trump’s second term and unified Republican control of Congress.
“The chair of the committee is being squeezed in every direction,” Wisconsin Sen. Tammy Baldwin, a senior Democratic appropriator, said in an interview.
Many Senate Republicans don’t “give a damn” about funding domestic efforts like public education and biomedical research, Baldwin continued. “I believe that the chairwoman does care about those issues. But you know, she’s in an unenviable position.”
Since Trump was reelected, Collins has worked to negotiate funding bills that spend far more on domestic programs than the president sought. The result has been essentially flat funding for nondefense programs and a 17 percent increase in military spending, which includes the billions of dollars Republicans enacted along party lines last year.
“Chair Collins is very devoted to, or interested in, following through to help the president get more money for the Department of War and munitions, et cetera,” said West Virginia Sen. Shelley Moore Capito, a top Republican appropriator. “And I think Senator Murray is on the opposite page.”
“Rather than legislate and work these things out,” Capito added, “I think it’s been decided on the other side to just be obstinate and not participate and not negotiate.”
Trump is calling this year for boosting Pentagon spending by more than 40 percent while slashing domestic programs by 10 percent. Illinois Sen. Dick Durbin, a senior Democratic appropriator who has served in Congress for more than 40 years, calls it “a massive change” in the way government funding has been divvied up for decades — by negotiating matching dollar-for-dollar increases in both military and nondefense funding.
“We’re so far apart. We haven’t faced anything like that in recent memory,” Durbin said in an interview. “And to accept the premise of it — what’s left for nondefense is terrible.”
Collins could proceed with markups this summer without an agreement with Democrats, as the House Republican majority has done for years. But Republican senators would need to be willing to vote on controversial amendments Democrats might offer — including proposals that defy Trump.
Senate Republican appropriators faced that issue last summer, when the panel unexpectedly adopted an amendment barring the Trump administration from repurposing cash intended for relocating the FBI headquarters. That outcome prompted several GOP senators to withdraw support for the funding bill.
“The challenge is that, if you have every Democrat voting against reporting the bill out — and then they also are offering poison pills — it’s hard to move those bills,” Sen. Jerry Moran (R-Kan.), chair of the Appropriations subcommittee that funds the FBI, said in an interview.
During the two years Murray chaired the full committee, Moran recalled, “We had members who wanted to offer what would probably be considered poison pills by Democrats. And Senator Collins talked Republicans out of doing so, to move the process.”
The two sides could easily reach an agreement on amendments and policy stipulations, some Democrats contend, if only Collins and Murray could bridge the divide between the president’s military funding demands and their own domestic priorities.
“Senator Collins is carrying out the administration’s wishes,” Oregon Sen. Jeff Merkley, another senior Democratic appropriator, said in an interview. “And Senator Murray is noting that a reckless increase in defense spending is not in the best interest of Americans.”
“So they’re both advocating for their viewpoint,” Merkley added. “That’s what we do in a democracy.”
Katherine Tully-McManus contributed to this report.
How much trouble is the GOP leadership floor plan in? Rep. Pete Sessions of Texas, a former Rules Committee chair who is not in the habit of defying party leaders, said he plans to vote against the procedural measure advanced by the panel last night. He cited concerns about the delay of a hemp products ban in the short-term spending bill leaders want to pass Tuesday.
“I think they’ve got to change it,” Sessions said. “Let’s just make it a clean [continuing resolution]. I’ll vote for that.”
The House has been back in town for a few hours, but GOP leaders may already be forced to send members home early.
A handful of House Republicans are threatening to shut down floor business Tuesday over frustrations about legislation that would fund the government past the midterms.
If GOP leaders can’t adopt a rule to open up floor debate, there’s little incentive to stay in town, especially so close to elections when members are eager to get back to their districts to campaign.
Speaker Mike Johnson can only lose a handful of members with full attendance. A small group of hard-liners oppose a provision in the Senate-passed continuing resolution punting a hemp product ban deadline. Others are angry about Johnson’s decision to put the stopgap bill on a fast-tracked method requiring two-thirds majority to pass — as Democrats are likely to support it.
To be clear: that suspension vote track also means the stopgap is poised to pass regardless of any subsequent GOP revolt that would gum up further floor business.
House Freedom Caucus Chair Andy Harris said he plans to vote against the rule Tuesday over the hemp language.
And Rep. Chip Roy sent a letter to Appropriations Chair Tom Cole and Budget Chair Jodey Arrington Monday night urging opposition to the CR. Roy, who voted against advancing the procedural step in a Rules panel meeting yesterday, said the spending bill does not prevent taxpayer funds from going to abortion services.
“The CR now before Congress does not renew that protection, allowing federal taxpayer dollars to once again flow to Planned Parenthood,” Roy wrote in the letter, shared exclusively with Blue Light News, adding members “should be prepared to account for those votes accordingly.”
Other hardliners wouldn’t say how they plan to vote on Monday night. Rep. Keith Self told Blue Light News, “We’ll see if the rule comes up.”
But if the House does cut their September work period short — with the possibility of not returning until mid-November — that leaves little time this year for any other legislation, including the Senate-passed Russian sanctions bill, which is headed nowhere fast in the House.
GOP leaders omitted it from a list of bills to be voted on this week as the thin House Republican majority is split over intervening in Russia’s war with Ukraine. Meanwhile, many Democrats are wary of handing Trump any new tariff powers.
Asked whether the bill might pass through her committee on the way to the House floor, Rules Chair Virginia Foxx said, “I have no idea. Nobody’s talking about it.”
What else we’re watching:
— REPUBLICANS POISED TO CENSURE EDWARDS: The House will vote Tuesday on censuring Rep. Chuck Edwards — and GOP leaders aren’t coming to his rescue. A critical mass of GOP members seem to be lining up behind the effort after an Ethics Committee report outlined a pattern of sexual harassment by Edwards toward two of his young female staffers. Edwards told Mia the probe was “an abysmal handled process.” House GOP leaders don’t appear to be swaying Republicans to vote against the measure.
— GOP TRIES TO THREAD NEEDLE ON DATA CENTER SUPPORT: Republicans found themselves walking a fine line on data centers Monday — and Democrats are eager to capitalize on the issue igniting voters across the country. House Republicans returning from August recess acknowledged growing concerns from constituents about data centers. But they also tried to support President Donald Trump, who Monday declared communities that reject centers will end up “backwards and poor” while China makes advances in the technology. Meanwhile, House Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries blasted Republicans for being “pro-data center without any restraints,” making his strongest rebuke yet of the tech industry’s massive infrastructure buildout.
Riley Rogerson, Chris Marquette and Kelsey Brugger contributed to this report.
Democrat Brian Poindexter’s first general-election ad in his campaign to unseat Rep. Max Miller doesn’t directly mention the Republican’s well-publicized family drama — but it makes the subtext impossible to ignore.
The minute-long ad titled “Daughters” features Poindexter’s three children — Ashley, Makayla and Taylor — telling stories about their dad as they sit in front of family photos. His campaign is launching a six-figure buy on digital, cable and broadcast television this week.
“He always shows up: for family dinner, for our games, to help with homework — even when he’s not helpful,“ the daughters say. “He shows up for everyone, coworkers, neighbors and our whole community. For anyone who’s getting hurt or needs a hand.”
Poindexter has leaned on his working-class background and a focus on affordability issues in his campaign against Miller, without explicitly making an issue of Miller’s legal battle with his ex-wife. In the “Daughters” ad, Poindexter again attempts to thread the needle, amplifying his family values and commitment to community without attacking Miller directly.
Miller is facing allegations of abuse from his ex-wife, Emily Moreno, the daughter of Ohio Sen. Bernie Moreno. Miller has denied any wrongdoing, including accusations that he poured hot water on Emily Moreno, held a gun to her head and broke his daughter’s collarbone.
The allegations have put national spotlight on the competitive Cleveland-area district, and Democrats are investing to flip the seat.
The ad ends with Poindexter saying in a voiceover, “I’m not going to D.C. for me. I’m going for my daughters — and yours.”
-
Politics2 years agoFormer ‘Squad’ members launching ‘Bowman and Bush’ YouTube show
-
Uncategorized2 years ago
Bob Good to step down as Freedom Caucus chair this week
-
Politics2 years agoFormer Kentucky AG Daniel Cameron launches Senate bid
-
The Dictatorship2 years agoLuigi Mangione acknowledges public support in first official statement since arrest
-
The Josh Fourrier Show2 years agoDOOMSDAY: Trump won, now what?
-
Politics2 years agoBlue Light News’s Editorial Director Ryan Hutchins speaks at Blue Light News’s 2025 Governors Summit
-
The Dictatorship2 years agoPete Hegseth’s tenure at the Pentagon goes from bad to worse
-
The Dictatorship12 months agoMike Johnson sums up the GOP’s arrogant position on military occupation with two words