Congress

What the Gaetz episode says about Trump’s attempts to control Congress

Published

2 years ago

November 23, 2024

Donald Trump is making it clear he wants to bend the Republican-led Congress to his will, pushing the limits of what lawmakers will accept on staffing his Cabinet and also on looming questions of federal spending authority.

Round one in that fight — the Matt Gaetz saga — went to Senate Republicans. And it gives early hints of how GOP lawmakers may respond on spending and other controversial nominees.

“The Senate also has a responsibility for advice and consent — and in this particular case, I think there was advice offered, rather than consent,” Sen. Mike Rounds (R-S.D.) said shortly after Gaetz announced he was withdrawing his name from consideration for attorney general.

In that tumultuous episode, GOP senators pushed back privately, not publicly. Many were hesitant to vocally denounce his efforts, knowing the threat of Trump’s wrath and a potential primary challenge constantly shadow them. But they counseled him behind the scenes, hoping he’d acquiesce before they were forced to either bend or defy him outright.

Gaetz won’t be the last example that tests the strategy. Even with the Florida firebrand out, incoming Senate Majority Leader John Thune (R-S.D.) has a slew of problems over Trump’s controversial Cabinet nominees — including sexual assault allegations against Pete Hegseth, who Trump tapped to lead the Department of Defense — as the incoming president leans on Congress to let him circumvent the Senate’s confirmation authority and make recess appointments.

Round one in Trump's fight to bend the Republican-led Congress to his will — the Matt Gaetz saga — went to Senate Republicans.

And then there’s spending, arguably Congress’ most important responsibility. Speaker Mike Johnson has kept the House in limbo as he defers to Trump on his preferences for a funding deal, and a shutdown deadline is quickly approaching. Johnson and appropriators have a potentially bigger challenge soon, as the incoming president’s out-of-government allies have made it clear they want to go around Congress’ constitutionally guaranteed power to control federal spending.

“I think we should defend Article One. We’re an equal branch of government. I support probably 80 percent or 90 percent of the policies, but it’s going to be in the Article One vs. Article Two framework,” Rep. Don Bacon (R-Neb.) said about the relationship between Trump and Hill Republicans. Those two articles of the Constitution establish the legislative and executive branch, respectively.

Trump’s anticipated return to Washington is poised to look much different than his arrival in 2017, when he knew little of the ways of Congress and struggled with the persuasive tactics required to push through a legislative agenda. The coming months will lay bare whether his now-numerous Capitol Hill allies will be able to more effectively steer his ambitions — or allow him to steer theirs.

“There will be no daylight between us and President Trump on policy, and moving forward with foreign policy, funding or anything else,” Sen. Markwayne Mullin (R-Okla.), a close Trump ally, told reporters in the Capitol recently.

Trump will likely have his greatest influence in the House, particularly with Johnson leading the chamber. Their fates are closely intertwined, since Johnson will need the president-elect’s support to keep his job in leadership.

And even Republicans who have been fiercely public about reforming the spending process are giving Trump the latitude to decide how to handle the upcoming government funding fight, with the deadline backing up straight into the Christmas holiday.

“You just have a very Trump House, because most people that came in came in with him at the top of the ticket,” said one senior GOP House member, who was granted anonymity to speak candidly.

While lawmakers haven’t explicitly pushed back on efforts to allow the executive branch to make more funding decisions, there are already emerging policy divides between lawmakers and Trump on spending — as well as mass deportations, tariffs and additional aid to Ukraine. Just this week, libertarian-leaning GOP Sen. Rand Paul (R-Ky.) argued that Trump’s plan to use the military to carry out mass deportations of undocumented immigrants would be a “huge mistake.” Several Republicans, including Thune, have raised concerns about tariffs.

But how Republicans handle the various battles will be an early litmus test for how far they are willing to bend to Trump’s effort to control their end of Pennsylvania Avenue. While Johnson has tied himself closely to Trump, Thune has worked to repair their relationship — and recently got social media praise from the president-elect — but will have to try to balance Trump’s demands with what can actually get the votes in the Senate.

“It’s just hard for me to fathom or believe that people have changed so much that they’re willing to give up that responsibility,” Alberto Gonzales, who served as attorney general under George W. Bush, a president also accused of executive overreach, said about the Senate’s confirmation powers.

Asked if there was a lesson for Trump to learn from Gaetz’s withdrawal, incoming Senate Judiciary Chair Chuck Grassley (R-Iowa) said that the only takeaway was that Trump “has the constitutional right to nominate. We have the constitutional responsibility to confirm.

“We each handle our jobs separately,” he said.

Trump-Vance transition spokesperson Karoline Leavitt said in a statement that Trump winning by a “resounding margin” gives him “a mandate to implement the promises he made on the campaign trail. He will deliver.”

During Trump’s first term, he had multiple spending clashes with conservatives on Blue Light News before many began to align with the iron-fisted president. And the reality that he can make or break someone’s career in politics is now widely recognized, though his attempts are not always successful.

One House Republican, granted anonymity to speak frankly, recounted how several members have survived primaries after facing attacks from Trump or his allies: “It was just two years ago that Matt Rosendale pushed away the president’s phone call on the House floor. I mean, like, I understand that there’s this optic that we’re gonna all fall in line. I don’t know, do we seem unified?”

But spending deadlines could be where fiscal hawks clash with Trump, despite both calling for reining in government spending. Trump followed other presidents before him in contributing to the national debt, with his administration adding $7 trillion to the total.

Outside of Congress, Trump’s allies are working to grease the way for his agenda to sidestep congressional approval.

Elon Musk and Vivek Ramaswamy, who Trump picked to lead his new so-called Department of Government Efficiency, made the case in a Wall Street Journal op-ed on Wednesday that the Supreme Court could seek to determine whether the 1974 Impoundment Control Act — which restricts the executive branch’s power to alter congressionally appropriated funds — is unconstitutional.

While the discussion, on its own, is a nod to Trump’s pending return to Washington, if the high court sided with them, it would mark a significant shift. And while the idea would likely spark heartburn if enacted, even some Republicans tasked with funding the government aren’t closing the door entirely until they get more information.

“My job is to work with the president, not against the president,” said Appropriations Chair Tom Cole (R-Okla.). “We wouldn’t be in the majority without him, so we’re certainly going to try to work with the president.”

Ursula Perano contributed to this report.

Congress

Republicans aren’t exactly flocking to Trump’s midterm convention

Published

3 hours ago

September 2, 2026

Blue Light Newsroom

President Donald Trump has a vision for next week’s GOP convention in Dallas: a televised spectacle putting Republican candidates in front of midterm voters and top party donors just two months before the Election Day — with Trump himself headlining the show.

But a Blue Light News survey of more than 70 GOP candidates and members revealed that most either do not plan to attend or are still weighing whether to go. Dozens more declined to share their plans.

The 45 Republicans cited a variety of reasons for skipping the first midterm convention put on by a major party in more than four decades. Some cited prior obligations such as fundraisers or events in their districts that were planned before the convention was scheduled in June. Others had personal conflicts, like weddings and family events, and still others raised qualms about the five-figure-minimum fees that party officials want attending lawmakers to pony up.

And some Republicans in tough races are steering clear of the gathering — which has come to be called “Trump-a-palooza” in some GOP circles — as they face growing hesitation about associating themselves with the polarizing president so close to the election.

“I just felt I’d be more useful in my district,” said Rep. Tom Barrett, who is facing a tough campaign to keep his central Michigan seat. “I travel a lot for this job and if I can be back home and see my family and do the job back home as well, then that’s sort of what I lean toward doing.”

Asked if the president’s remarks might cause him problems back home, Barrett said: “I can’t control what the president’s going to say at the convention, but I can control where I’m at, what I’m doing.”

Several other Republicans in key races targeted by Democrats said they weren’t committing to attend.

“I’m going to be in my district,” Rep. Zach Nunn (R-Iowa) said when asked about his plans, while Rep. Rob Bresnahan (R-Pa.) said, “I’m not sure yet.” Rep. Jeff Hurd (R-Colo.) isn’t planning to go, according to people granted anonymity to describe his decision. And Rep. Nick LaLota (R-N.Y.) said he instead plans to visit colleges with his daughter.

Trump will be the headline speaker of the two-day convention inside the American Airlines Center, with Vice President JD Vance also set to address Republicans.

Most top House and Senate GOP leaders will be in attendance, including Speaker Mike Johnson and Senate Majority Leader John Thune. Some potential 2028 presidential contenders, including Sen. Ted Cruz (R-Texas), will also be in attendance, as will some Senate Republicans from marquee battleground races.

Former Rep. Mike Rogers, who is trying to flip retiring Democratic Sen. Gary Peters’ seat in Michigan, and Sen. Jon Husted, who is working to fend off a challenge from former Sen. Sherrod Brown in Ohio, will both attend, according to their campaigns. Sen. Bernie Moreno (R-Ohio), who is expected to be the next Senate GOP campaign chair, is also planning to be there.

Johnson said he has been “promoting this everywhere” as an important event for the party but also acknowledged it’s a crucial time for some of his members to spend time in their districts.

“They’ve got to all make their own individual decision … but the people that do come are going to have a great time,” Johnson said in an interview, adding that he expects high attendance during the convention. He acknowledged in a news conference Tuesday, however, that some members will need to be in their districts because “it’s critical time right before early voting begins nationwide.”

With Trump front and center at the convention, some Republicans are privately fretting about slipping presidential approval ratings in their districts amid the ongoing conflict in Iran, a trade war with Canada and rising prices from both. Other moves by the administration, such as a deal tackling beef imports to address affordability, have angered other key GOP constituencies.

One House Republican not attending the convention who was granted anonymity to speak candidly called the event “a waste of time” and said the planning has been “a mess.”

“You shouldn’t be having to rally your base at this point,” the member said. “You should be trying to convince independents. Independents are not attending nor watching the midterm convention.”

RNC national press secretary Natalie Baldassarre said in a statement responding to those claims that “the outreach and enthusiasm to attend, participate, and speak at this historic midterm convention has been incredible.”

“Republicans across the country are rallying behind President Trump’s America First agenda that’s brought lower drug prices, lower taxes, and a secure border, and this convention will provide the momentum needed to expand our majorities in November,” she added.

But even some Republicans who might benefit from campaigning with Trump said the costs members are being asked to pay to attend were getting in the way. Another House Republican granted anonymity to speak candidly pointed to the $25,000 minimum attendee donation suggested by the National Republican Congressional Committee, which is distributing RNC-provided tickets to members.

“I didn’t want to go anyways. That made it easier,” the member said.

According to an NRCC memo obtained by POLITICO, that donation gives a member the right to book one hotel room in the committee’s block as well as two tickets to a welcome reception and the convention itself. Higher tiers of giving up to $100,000 come with access to additional rooms, tickets and events. An NRCC spokesperson declined to comment.

Rep. Tim Burchett (R-Tenn.) cited the price tag in explaining why he is still “not sure” whether he would attend.

“It’s $25,000, apparently — I just got a bill,” said Burchett.

With the convention being seen inside the party as a key late fundraising opportunity, several GOP lawmakers who intend to be there, including some committee chairs, plan to give much more than $25,000, according to three people familiar with the planning for the event.

But other powerful members are taking a pass, including two of the most senior members of the powerful House Energy and Commerce Committee. Ohio Rep. Bob Latta, who chairs the panel’s Energy subcommittee, said he had events back in his district, and Virginia Rep. Morgan Griffith, who chairs the Oversight subpanel, said he preferred to be home campaigning.

“I should be safe,” Griffith said in an interview. “But no member of Congress from the 9th Congressional District of Virginia has left voluntarily since 1952.”

House Appropriations Chair Tom Cole said he is not attending because he has a dove-hunting event back home in Oklahoma.

Several northeastern members, including Reps. Chris Smith of New Jersey and Andrew Garbarino of New York, said they have commitments in their districts related to the 25th anniversary of the 9/11 attacks.

Less surprising are the alternate plans being made by moderate Republicans who are facing tough elections in the fall and don’t necessarily benefit from being associated with the president.

A campaign spokesperson for Sen. Susan Collins of Maine said she will not be in attendance, citing a “long standing practice of not going to conventions while she is in cycle.”

“I’m not a party guy,” said Rep. Brian Fitzpatrick (R-Pa.) said in an interview Tuesday, explaining why he won’t be in Texas next week. “I believe in ending the two-party system. Get back to our roots as a country.”

Riley Rogerson, Kelsey Brugger, Katherine Tully-McManus and Calen Razor contributed to this report.

Congress

Congress warms to Trump’s Hollywood tax credit effort

Published

3 hours ago

September 2, 2026

Blue Light Newsroom

Donald Trump picked up fresh bipartisan support for a federal film tax credit Tuesday, while an adviser to one of his Hollywood ambassadors told Blue Light News that legislation could come within weeks.

“Something can be introduced this month and as early as within the next couple of weeks,” said Scott Karol, a producer who, along with Jon Voight and his manager, Steven Paul, met with Trump on Monday to discuss the issue.

The legislation is “going to get pushed by Ways and Means,” said Karol, referring to the House committee that handles tax policy. “You are going to see a bipartisan presentation of this.”

On Tuesday, Trump posted on social media for the second consecutive day to tout support for the effort, giving the prospective legislation a name: the Motion Picture, Television and Entertainment Revitalization Act. It comes after a decadeslong exodus of film and TV shoots to countries including Canada and the United Kingdom, which have long offered lucrative incentives that in some cases have become juicier than even the most generous state-level programs.

A bipartisan group of House members from California, which more than doubled the size of its incentive last year to $750 million annually, and Georgia, which has seen blockbuster productions flee across the Atlantic, has also embraced the president’s call for Congress to “immediately” create a federal production tax credit.

The swift and wide-ranging response in support of the tax credit shows momentum for an effort led by an Oscar-winning screen icon whose star crested decades ago and backed by a coalition that includes studios, guilds and some of the president’s most strident critics in Congress. But even with the fresh hope for Hollywood, where industry figures have long dreamed of a federal production incentive, creating a major new tax break would be a tall order in a closely divided Congress.

The film and TV production incentive that is being discussed would include a 20 percent credit for labor both in front of and behind the camera, Karol said. It could also include a mechanism requiring that the vast majority of the work would go to U.S. personnel, according to the two people with knowledge of the legislative effort who were granted anonymity to describe internal deliberations.

“This is going to go through the great grinder that is Congress,” said Karol, who added that the legislation could include “upticks” for projects that shoot in enterprise zones.

Cost concerns

Proponents of the legislation — among them Rep. Laura Friedman (D-Calif.), who has taken a lead role in the effort — have noted that its bipartisan support reflects a reality: several states with sizable production ecosystems are led by Republicans.

“Eighteen months ago, I was fighting to convince my colleagues that the departure of film production from our country was a national problem,” said Friedman, whose Los Angeles-area district includes several entertainment companies, in a statement. “Now the President is asking for the same bill a group of us have been working on. Doors that were closed to us a year ago are open this morning. My job now is to keep the coalition together: the unions, the studios, and members of both parties, and do whatever it takes to get this bill to the floor for a vote and signed into law.”

Republicans from states with flagging film and TV industries, including Georgia and Florida, also expressed support, despite some wariness about helping an industry not known for backing conservative causes — as well as concerns about the cost of doing so.

Rep. Vern Buchanan of Florida, a senior Republican on the Ways and Means Committee who’s not seeking reelection, said that he hoped Trump could sign a film credit into law by the end of 2026.

“Whatever we can do to be supportive is a good thing,” he said.

Rep. Rich McCormick (R-Ga.) told Blue Light News that he was “really not a big fan of federal subsidies because, once again, we’re in 30 percent deficit spending right now.”

“Georgia’s a major film-producing place, and I always want to help Georgia out,” he said. “But I also want to make sure that it makes sense for the American people when it comes to how we pay for it and how much comes back to us in tax money.”

Rep. Buddy Carter, another Georgia Republican, said that entertainment production “has been an economic boon for us.” The state, he said, has benefited from “the investment that’s been made,” citing jobs, tax revenue and tourism.

‘We need a Truth Social post’

Top lawmakers in both parties have discussed passing a bipartisan tax package after the midterm elections. It’s possible, according to the two people with knowledge of the legislative push for the incentive, that a bill to create the credit could be introduced then. But November’s results will influence how much legislating congressional leaders will want to do before the close of the year, leaving the fate of a lame-duck tax bill up in the air.

“We hope when we‘re in the majority that this is something that we can address,” House Democratic Caucus Chair Pete Aguilar (D-Calif.) said. “Maybe this is a source of something that we can do between now and then if there‘s bipartisan support.”

During their meeting with the president on Monday, Voight made “an impassioned plea to the president,” said Paul, one of the actor’s advisers.

“Jon, as you can imagine, really has a love for our business. He feels fatherly over it. It hurts him to see what is happening,” said Paul, adding that the actor “has been by our sides” at meetings with Hollywood interests supportive of the legislation, including unions and the Motion Picture Association.

During their meeting, Paul said that an admission he made got the president’s attention. Paul, who also is a producer, told Trump that he was making a new film about Richard Nixon, but said he was “ashamed” to admit he might have to shoot it overseas, owing to incentives available outside the U.S.

“What do you need from me?” Trump replied, according to Karol.

Voight’s advisers told the president, “We need a Truth Social post,” Karol said.

Before long, the president was telling his followers that a federal production incentive could be created “quickly, accurately, efficiently and, importantly, will benefit ALL of America.”

A White House official declined to discuss the meeting but said in a statement, “President Trump is right: American movies should be made in America. The President is Making Hollywood Great Again while creating high paying jobs right here in the United States.”

Karol and Paul — who along with Voight also met on Monday with MPA officials, including CEO Charles Rivkin — acknowledged that there is much work to be done. Asked about McCormick’s reservations over the cost of a potential federal incentive, Karol said “that kind of concern is valid.”

“Having said that, there are a number of industries that receive government support because of their importance for one reason or another,” he said. “This is the greatest American export. American movies need to be made in America and by Americans. This legislation will have an immediate impact in the United States.”

Congress

Jeffries says Dems who saved GOP’s agenda deserve ‘serious response’

Published

11 hours ago

September 2, 2026

Blue Light Newsroom

House Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries and his leadership team announced they are eyeing punishment for two House Democrats who bucked their party Tuesday.

Reps. Marie Gluesenkamp Perez of Washington and Jared Golden of Maine broke with leadership to advance a key procedural vote that revived Republicans’ legislative agenda. The incredibly rare crossing of party lines incensed many House Democrats and top leaders who were then forced to vote on a slate of GOP priorities.

“The decision by two of our colleagues to blindside the entire House Democratic Caucus and join with the Republican majority to pass a procedural rule on the brink of failing represents a significant breach of trust,” Jeffries said in a statement with Whip Katherine Clark of Massachusetts and Pete Aguilar of California. “It is an action that necessitates a serious response, and we have asked the Committee on Caucus Rules to take this up in short order.”

Spokespeople for Golden and Gluesenkamp Perez did not immediately respond to requests for comment.

Golden told reporters Tuesday he backed the measure because it provided for passage of a bill he cosponsored benefiting lobstermen in his home state while delaying the implementation of fishing regulations meant to protect the North Atlantic right whale population.

House leadership has a number of disciplinary levers at their disposal, including stripping members of committees. When Blue Light News asked Jeffries Tuesday evening if he was considering consequences for the two rogue members, he said, “We haven’t ruled anything in, and we haven’t ruled anything out.”