Congress
Congress lays out path for final passage of housing bill
Congress is expected to send a landmark, bipartisan housing affordability bill to President Donald Trump’s desk by the end of next week as the Senate and House schedule action on the legislation in the coming days.
The Senate has teed up the 21st Century ROAD to Housing Act for final passage on Monday, after completing all its necessary procedural votes this week.
The legislation will then move on to the House where GOP leadership plans to open debate on Wednesday, with a vote expected as early as the same day, according to six people familiar with the vote granted anonymity to discuss plans.
House leadership plans to suspend the rules, requiring a two-thirds majority vote, to speed up the bill’s path to Trump’s desk. Final passage could be pushed to Thursday depending on timing, the people said.
The housing bill aims to tackle housing affordability and boost homeownership and supply ahead of a midterm election dominated by cost-of-living concerns.
The four lawmakers leading the negotiations over the legislation — Senate Banking Chair Tim Scott (R-S.C.), ranking member Elizabeth Warren (D-Mass.), House Financial Services Chair French Hill (R-Ark.) and ranking member Maxine Waters (D-Calif.) — came to an agreement Tuesday afternoon after months of back and forth on the bill’s contents.
The housing affordability legislation, which the White House supports, contains a provision limiting the role of large institutional investors in the single-family housing market, which was a key condition for Trump to sign the bill.
Congress
Meta faces calls for Congress to probe scam ads targeting seniors
Retirement groups are calling on Congress to investigate Meta over a wave of social media scams targeting older Americans.
In a letter sent Thursday to House Homeland Security Committee Chair Andrew Garbarino (R-N.Y.) and ranking member Bennie Thompson (D-Miss.), the groups alleged Meta has been slow to take down fraudulent ads, leaving seniors vulnerable to financial loss. The letter, shared exclusively with POLITICO, was signed by the Alliance for Retired Americans, the American Postal Workers Union Retirees and the American Federation of Teachers, among others.
“Fraudulent Medicare ads have proliferated on Meta platforms and too many seniors are getting scammed while Meta profits,” said Richard Fiesta, executive director of the Alliance for Retired Americans. “We are calling on Congress to investigate how these scams are allowed to spread, what Meta knew about them, and why stronger protections are not in place. Seniors should not be left vulnerable while scammers and tech companies cash in.”
The letter’s demands follow a report published last month by the Center for Countering Digital Hate, a nonprofit advocacy group, which alleged that Meta has profited by leaving up fraudulent ads, many of which target Medicare recipients.
“Scammers are determined criminals who use increasingly sophisticated tactics to defraud people and evade detection,” Meta spokesperson Andy Stone said in a statement. “We aggressively fight scams on and off our platforms because they’re not good for us or the people and businesses that rely on our services and for years we’ve been one of law enforcement’s strongest partners in the fight against this type of online crime — identifying criminals, disrupting their crimes and helping bring them to justice.”
Stone pointed to several examples of Meta’s efforts to combat scams on its platform, including a recent collaboration with U.S. and Thai law enforcement to disrupt online scams.
It’s not the first time Meta has faced scrutiny over the scams: Sens. Richard Blumenthal (D-Conn.) and Josh Hawley (R-Mo.) urged the Federal Trade Commission and the Securities Exchange Commission to open an investigation into the company in November after Reuters reported that Meta in internal documents projected 10 percent of its 2024 revenue would come from fraudulent ads. And in February, a group of bipartisan lawmakers pressed Meta CEO Mark Zuckerberg over its plans to prevent and combat fraud on its platforms.
Reps. Dan Meuser (R-Pa.) and Lou Correa (D-Calif.) also introduced bipartisan legislation earlier this year to combat predatory scam ads.
Congress
AIPAC looms large ahead of New York primaries
NEW YORK — The country’s most prominent pro-Israel special interest group isn’t even spending in Rep. Dan Goldman’s high-stakes primary. It could be his biggest problem anyway.
The American Israel Public Affairs Committee has a familiar electoral playbook: funnel millions of dollars into an election through a super PAC to boost pro-Israel candidates, attack those critical of Israel or both. The group’s massive spending over recent cycles has established it as a boogeyman among progressives, who’ve attempted to use AIPAC’s intervention, or the threat of it, to activate their base.
With days to go before New York’s primary, AIPAC hasn’t claimed involvement in any competitive races across the city. But it still looms large.
Across the country, attacks over AIPAC have hit a fever pitch this cycle on both sides of the aisle, speaking to the public’s increasingly negative view of Israel. In New York, insurgent challengers in Democratic primaries are using AIPAC as a cudgel to criticize opponents over their support for Israel. Some are suggesting shadowy super PACs are actually funded by the group and have pointed to donors who’ve previously given to AIPAC.
David Greenfield, a former New York City Council member and head of the Met Council, a Jewish charity, described that form of scrutiny as “a little obscene.”
“When we look back, this will have been the high point of anti-AIPAC fervor. I think some of it is irrational and unfair,” Greenfield said. “Crossing from anti-Israel to discriminating against Jewish constituents, I think that’s a very dangerous place to be.”
The tensions over AIPAC are especially prominent in Goldman’s race, where his challenger, former city Comptroller Brad Lander, has repeatedly hammered the incumbent over his ties to the group.
“We can’t let AIPAC and other pro-Netanyahu groups make an example out of me,” Lander wrote in a fundraising plea, one of more than two dozen that mention AIPAC. “Now when pro-Netanyahu groups are trying to control who gets elected to Congress, I’m asking you to join our movement to stop them.”
Lander — who, like Goldman, is Jewish — has positioned himself as more critical of Israel than the incumbent. He’s criticized Goldman for voting for U.S. military aid to Israel, called the country’s actions in Gaza a “genocide” and vowed to never take AIPAC money.
The message has persuaded many in the party’s progressive wing to side with him. The deep-blue 10th District, which covers parts of Brooklyn and Lower Manhattan, is where Mayor Zohran Mamdani, who endorsed Lander, had a dominant performance during last year’s mayoral primary.
At a “solidarity rally” for Jews and Muslims in Brooklyn on Sunday, Lander drew cheers from the hundreds gathered when he said he won’t take money from AIPAC. Mamdani appeared as a featured guest.
Goldman, who’s said the “legal terminology” of genocide should be avoided, has also criticized Israel. But no matter how much he tries to neutralize Lander’s attacks, they remain a prominent factor in the race.
The incumbent rolled out an ad denouncing President Donald Trump and Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu over the Iran war. He suggested he and Lander aren’t so different, saying last month: “We are both progressive Zionists who believe in Israel’s right to exist as a Jewish state, and we both support a two-state solution to bring peace to the region.” Goldman has also tried to shift focus away from Israel, arguing voters are more interested in kitchen table issues. And he’s even returned campaign donations he received from AIPAC, which endorsed him (though he still receives contributions from people who’ve donated through the organization).
When asked if AIPAC’s endorsement is harming him in the race, Goldman said: “It’s quite possible that it is.” But he took issue with Lander’s rhetoric around the group, which he’s called a “dog whistle.”
“It’s just continuing a pattern of lying to and deceiving voters with buzzwords and litmus tests that are not factual,” he said. “I am very concerned that people — Jews like Brad, who are using Israel and AIPAC as a wedge issue in a race — ultimately may win this battle, but do serious damage to the Jewish community.”

Speaking to Blue Light News after Sunday’s event, Lander called that assertion “cynical.”
“I find that language offensive. Like, I don’t want the support of antisemites. I’m a proud Jew, I wear it on my sleeve,” he said. “What AIPAC is doing is a shanda, is bad for American democracy, is of course bad for Palestinians who are created b’tzelem Elohim, in God’s image, is bad for Israel, has shredded U.S. credibility in the world. And most people in this district, including, I believe most Jews in this district, agree with me.”
Lander acknowledged there’s no evidence of AIPAC super PACs getting involved in the race — either through its known entity or a newly created group, a strategy it’s employed in other races. But he pointed to AIPAC supporters donating to Goldman’s campaign and through a joint fundraising committee supporting Goldman along with Rep. Adriano Espaillat, who’s also facing a tough primary.
Lander said the “whole set of tropes around Jews and money” and rising antisemitism makes him “very anxious.” Still, he accused AIPAC of “corroding our democracy and making Jews less safe.”
During a debate Monday, the candidates were asked if they believe AIPAC is hurting the Democratic Party. Lander said it is — “by the way it spends money” and “demanding unconditional U.S. support for Netanyahu’s wars.”
Goldman said AIPAC “has some real problems and is harmful in many ways.”
“But they are an organization that I coordinate — or that I discuss things with — as is J Street, as are many, many other people, and I will always be independently focused on this issue,” Goldman continued.
Lander’s campaign quickly clipped that quote and shared it online. Goldman accused Lander of taking his words out of context “to mislead the public.”
The exchange underscores just how salient attacks over AIPAC are in Democratic primaries. But some are raising concerns.
In an interview with POLITICO last month, Pennsylvania Gov. Josh Shapiro, one of a handful of Jewish governors, said criticisms of AIPAC spending have “been used cynically by some to try and silence certain voices, to try and say that certain people participating in politics shouldn’t count or should be viewed in a toxic way.”
Halie Soifer, CEO of the Jewish Democratic Council of America, which is backing Goldman and Espaillat, said the rhetoric across Democratic primaries “has shifted into what I consider to be a dangerous place in this election cycle.”
“I’m concerned about the public demonization of perhaps what started as AIPAC, but now appears to have grown into rhetoric that includes the Israel lobby or Zionists,” Soifer said — noting that “can very quickly” blur into antisemitism.
While Lander has made criticizing Israel central to his campaign, Greenfield said he doesn’t think he’s crossed a line. But candidates in other races, Greenfield continued, are “seeing AIPAC ghosts wherever they turn.”
One race he thinks that’s happening is the contest to replace retiring Rep. Nydia Velázquez.
Assemblymember Claire Valdez, who has the backing of Mamdani and the city chapter of the Democratic Socialists of America, has sought to tie her most prominent opponent, Brooklyn Borough President Antonio Reynoso, to AIPAC. Both have called Israel’s actions in Gaza a “genocide,” though Valdez has frequently criticized Reynoso for taking so long to use the term.
She’s suggested that Real Fight NYC, a super PAC boosting Reynoso, is funded by AIPAC — despite there being no clear evidence of that. Real Fight NYC, which did not respond to a request for comment, will not have to disclose its donors until after the primary. But at least one donor to it has emerged: the American Federation of Teachers.

Valdez’s campaign pointed to AIPAC funneling money into shell PACs in other races, as well as a report that Reynoso supporters have also donated to AIPAC. But Reynoso has insisted he doesn’t take AIPAC money, and his campaign said it returned the money referenced in the story.
“These false accusations are an attempt to distract voters from the real issues,” said Jasmine Gripper, head of the state Working Families Party, which is backing Reynoso. “We should be focused on improving people’s lives, not spreading misinformation.”
Morris Katz, a top Mamdani strategist and Valdez adviser, wrote in a since-deleted X post that it’s “deeply dishonest” for progressives to “pretend that a new PAC just emerging now is anything other than an AIPAC shell.”
Patrick Dorton, a spokesperson for AIPAC’s main super PAC, United Democracy Project, has denied involvement in the race. As far as playing in other local primaries, Dorton said on Sunday that they’re “evaluating all of the New York races very carefully” but “don’t have anything to announce right now.”
Espaillat, like Goldman, is endorsed by AIPAC. In his run to retain his seat in upper Manhattan and the Bronx, progressive organizer Darializa Avila Chevalier has made criticizing the group a mainstay of her campaign, with her supporters suggesting some of the super PACs supporting Espaillat are funded by AIPAC.
The incumbent recently had his endorsement from the New York Progressive Action Network rescinded because it said he “has continued to accept money from AIPAC-related entities, has not signed the Block the Bombs Act, and recently declined to call the destruction of Gaza a genocide.” When asked if he broke a promise not to accept AIPAC money, Espaillat said he hasn’t “broken any promise in my political career.”
A recent poll commissioned by Justice Democrats, a pro-Avila Chevalier group, found 56 percent of likely Democratic voters in the district had a somewhat or very unfavorable view of AIPAC. Espaillat was asked in a debate Tuesday if he regrets accepting its support following the war in Gaza.
“No one dictates or tells me how to vote. My constituents do that,” he said, quickly pivoting to Avila Chevalier’s support from American Priorities, a super PAC seeking to counter pro-Israel entities.
That group is also supporting Lander and Valdez. Goldman and Reynoso have also criticized their opponents over American Priorities’ involvement.
But during their debate, Avila Chevalier once again turned the conversation back to AIPAC.
“I’d like to note that my opponent has yet to actually clearly and directly answer the question regarding his AIPAC money,” she said.
Congress
White House scheduled to meet with groups on AI and kids’ safety bills
The White House scheduled a meeting Thursday afternoon to discuss legislation regarding kids’ online safety and preemption of state artificial intelligence laws, according to two people granted anonymity to share details of the private briefing and an invitation obtained by Blue Light News.
The invitation — sent Wednesday by Hailey Borden, the deputy director of the White House’s Office of Public Liaison — said the meeting would be “an off the record discussion on kids safety and preemption.” The two people said groups advocating for online safety were invited to attend and that the discussion would focus on a package of AI regulations that’s being assembled by Sen. Marsha Blackburn (R-Tenn.).
It followed several meetings last week that top White House officials convened with tech companies and childrens’ safety groups to discuss the legislative push.
The latest invitation did not name which groups were invited. The White House and Blackburn’s office did not immediately respond to requests for comment.
The meeting comes as lawmakers and White House officials continue to iron out details of the legislative package, which is expected to include versions of the NO FAKES Act — which would create new regulations against AI deepfakes and other AI-generated replicas and advanced out of the Senate Judiciary Committee on Thursday — as well as the Kids Online Safety Act, or KOSA, which aims to hold companies to stricter design standards that would prioritize child safety. The App Store Accountability Act, or AASA, which requires minors to obtain parental verification before downloading apps, is also expected to be included.
This proposal could have new life now that Meta, which helped kill KOSA two years ago after a fierce lobbying fight, dropped its opposition to the specific bill now that it’s expected to be linked to a limited preemption of state AI laws and AASA, which would put the onus on app store platforms like Google and Apple to verify users’ ages.
But Blackburn’s forthcoming package is expected to face opposition in the Senate, where she’ll be tasked with winning over leadership and key voices on AI like Commerce Chair Ted Cruz (R-Texas).
Asked about the talks on Thursday afternoon, Cruz told reporters only: “We’re all working collectively.” Blackburn echoed the sentiment that discussions are ongoing, saying, “We’re going to have more to say about that sometime soon.”
The efforts to attach kids’ online safety measures to Blackburn’s broader AI package has also sparked backlash from conservative groups including former Vice President Mike Pence’s Advancing American Freedom and the Taxpayers Protection Alliance. The groups wrote to Cruz and Commerce ranking member Maria Cantwell (D-Wash.) on Wednesday warning that ASAA “would threaten the privacy and data security of Americans of all ages.”
Their letter, shared exclusively with POLITICO, included signees from the industry coalition Chamber of Progress — which was founded by former Google executive Adam Kovacevich — and trade group NetChoice, whose members include Google, OpenAI and Amazon.
Gabby Miller and Kelsey Brugger contributed to this report.
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