Congress
‘We are facing an existential crisis’: Redistricting rocks the race for the nation’s bluest House seat
PHILADELPHIA — Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez’s voice boomed over the crowd of progressive activists that had packed the pews and lined the walls of a North Philadelphia church. “The very foundations of our democracy are being shaken with the attacks on the Voting Rights Act,” the New York Democrat warned.
But Ocasio-Cortez pointed to hope for resistance in a “city of abolitionists and organizers,” where “somebody in each generation refused to accept the world as it was.” For her, that meant supporting congressional candidate Chris Rabb, who she was rallying alongside Friday.
A day earlier, in a too-hot conference room near City Hall, Minnesota Attorney General Keith Ellison made a similar appeal to a couple dozen community leaders — about Sharif Street.
“You saw what they just did with the VRA. They’re not done,” said Ellison, a former House member, as sweat beaded on his forehead. “The time requires not just inspirational leadership. And it sure requires principled leadership. And in Sharif we have both.”
Republicans’ rush to erase majority-Black seats across the South after the Supreme Court weakened the VRA has turbocharged the primary for an open congressional seat in this northern city long at the forefront of the civil rights movement. The crowded race to replace retiring Rep. Dwight Evans in the 3rd District, which spans from South Philadelphia to Chestnut Hill and is the bluest in the country, has divided Philadelphia and Pennsylvania Democrats. And it has fueled a family fight within the Congressional Black Caucus (CBC), with some members choosing sides between the three Black candidates in Pennsylvania’s sole majority-Black district.

Red-state gerrymanders threaten to force up to one third of the 63-member caucus from office, including some of its longest-tenured and most influential leaders like Reps. Jim Clyburn (D-S.C.) and Bennie Thompson (D-Miss.). It’s a major challenge to one of the most powerful voting blocs in Congress and a pillar of the Democratic Party, just as one of its own, House Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries (D-N.Y.), could ascend to the speakership if Democrats retake the chamber. And it comes at a time when the CBC was already facing generational and ideological divides, with younger members and candidates pushing to inject fresh vigor into an aging caucus that has long been deferential to seniority.
The upheaval has placed outsized importance on primaries that could impact Black representation in Congress. The Congressional Black Caucus PAC is playing a role in several of these races by backing Black candidates, throwing its support behind former Rep. Colin Allred against Rep. Julie Johnson in a high-profile Texas runoff, and endorsing first-time candidate Lauren Babb Tomlinson in a crowded field that includes independent Rep. Kevin Kiley in California’s redrawn 6th District. It has stayed out of another redistricting-created fight, a generational member-on-member battle in Texas between Black Reps. Christian Menefee and Al Green.
“The CBC is and will always be the conscience of Congress. Our members share the core values of protecting and preserving voting rights, creating an affordable America with opportunity for all, and defeating the extremist politics of Donald Trump and MAGA Republicans,” said Chris Taylor, a spokesperson for the Congressional Black Caucus PAC. “We will win in November and further the people’s agenda.”
And it has ratcheted up the stakes late in the game in Philadelphia, where Democrats were already warring over who best meets the moment.
“We are facing an existential crisis,” said Rep. Summer Lee (D-Pa.), a 38-year-old progressive member of the caucus from the Pittsburgh area who has endorsed Rabb. “We need people who understand the urgency of right now. There are old ways of doing things and there are bold ways of doing things. And they’re not the same.”
Evans has a different approach in mind. And the 72-year-old five-term representative and longtime state lawmaker who is retiring after missing months of House votes in 2024 following a stroke, has a different candidate — Ala Stanford, a pediatric surgeon and political novice who emerged as an early front-runner with his backing — to execute it.

“[John Lewis] always talked about doing good things together,” Evans said, referencing the civil-rights icon and longtime Georgia lawmaker who died in 2020. “And what we desperately need — especially in this day and age, when you look at people talking about [gerrymandering] affecting Benny Thompson, Jim Clyburn — she more than anybody has the ability to bring [people] together.”
SCOTUS Raises the Stakes
The race to represent the 3rd District was already playing out as a messy microcosm of the stylistic and ideological fights roiling Democrats nationally.
“We know that the next member of Congress is going to be Black, we know they’re going to be a Democrat. The question is, what kind of Democrat are we sending to Congress amidst great dysfunction and chaos?” Rabb, a five-term state representative, told Blue Light News. “I am the troublemaker of the three, and I believe we need a real troublemaker in troubled times. We need to shake things up.”
In interviews on the campaign trail across Philadelphia last week, the leading contenders offered similarly stark assessments of the potential ramifications of the recent Supreme Court ruling on Black representation and voting rights.

But they offered different approaches.
Rabb said “centrism and establishment politics is [not] going to get us anywhere beyond where we are now.”
Street, a state senator, former state Democratic Party chair and scion of a prominent North Philadelphia political family, said he would draw on his background as a lawyer and legislator to counterattack in the courts, in Congress and on the campaign trail by boosting Democratic turnout in the midterms.
Stanford, a former regional Health and Human Services director in the Biden administration, called for “fearless leaders” in the style of Clyburn who are also willing to work across the aisle to “find common ground” to advance voter protections and expand access.
“I am a disrupter,” Stanford said. “But [you also can’t be] a bull in a china shop and no matter which way you turn, you’re crushing and breaking everything but you’re not building anything.”
The candidates have also cleaved over whether to back Jeffries as speaker. Street has committed to the minority leader, and Stanford also said she’ll back him. But Rabb said he wants to see who runs before weighing in.
Redistricting has become a late-stage flashpoint on the campaign trail. The political arm of the pro-Rabb Working Families Party launched an ad Friday across digital and streaming platforms attempting to link Street to red-state gerrymanders by referencing a draft 2021 redistricting map the senator worked on with a key Republican that would have drawn Democratic Rep. Brendan Boyle and GOP Rep. Brian Fitzpatrick into the same district and created an incumbent-free seat in Philadelphia where Street could have run. The spot accused Street of trying to “sacrifice our power for himself.”

The map was never formally introduced and Street has distanced himself from it. He says he favored another that still would have drawn Boyle and Fitzpatrick into the same district but would have given Democrats an advantage in 10 of the state’s 17 congressional seats and grown the number of majority-Black districts.
Anthony Campisi, a spokesperson for Street, said the senator was trying to “bolster Pennsylvania maps against the type of attacks we’re seeing from Republicans in Washington now.”
A House Caucus Divided
As Rabb runs to the left, he’s picked up support from younger progressives like Lee and Reps. Maxwell Frost (D-Fla.) and Ilhan Omar (D-Minn.) and a constellation of left-leaning groups including the local chapter of the Democratic Socialists of America.
Meanwhile, Rep. Herb Conaway (D-N.J.), a fellow Black physician, is backing Stanford, who besides Evans also has support from Pennsylvania Democratic Reps. Madeleine Dean and Chrissy Houlahan, leading health officials and an outside super PAC that works to elect STEM candidates.
Sen. Cory Booker (D-N.J.) offered 11th-hour support for Street in a rally Monday, positioning him as the best choice in a “time of crisis.” Street also has the backing of Philadelphia Mayor Cherelle Parker and the city’s Democratic establishment, along with a raft of high-profile state politicians like former Gov. Ed Rendell and state House Speaker Joanna McClinton.
Most CBC members have stayed out of the race, but some have made connections with candidates behind the scenes. Stanford said she met Clyburn, the Democratic kingmaker who is likely to lose his seat in a GOP gerrymander, at a book tour stop last December. She said she considers him a mentor and sends regular updates to his chief of staff. Clyburn’s office and an outside adviser did not respond to a request for comment.
Some presidential hopefuls have also waded in beyond Booker and Ocasio-Cortez in a race that will offer a directional test for Democrats. Rep. Ro Khanna (D-Calif.) and Sen. Chris Van Hollen (D-Md.) are backing Rabb, while Pennsylvania Gov. Josh Shapiro, who has not endorsed in the race, is working behind the scenes to block Rabb — even though he and Street have some historic beef of their own.
“This moment matters,” Ocasio-Cortez said. “And if you want to change the Democratic Party, we have to change the kind of Democrats that get elected to serve in Congress.”
Cheyanne M. Daniels contributed to this report.
Congress
No YOLO yet: Bill Cassidy insists he won’t be out for revenge against Trump
Donald Trump got his revenge on Sen. Bill Cassidy. The Louisiana Republican says he isn’t planning to return the favor — yet.
Freed from political constraints after decisively losing his battle for renomination Saturday, Cassidy could — if he chooses — gum up major parts of Trump’s agenda on Capitol Hill. To start with, he holds what amounts to veto power over key nominees as chair of the Senate committee overseeing health care, labor and education and as a member of the powerful Senate Finance Committee.
Cassidy, in multiple lengthy chats with reporters Monday around the Capitol, batted down any suggestion he is now liberated to challenge Trump head-on. But he also declined to say how he would handle tricky upcoming votes on the Iran war or an immigration enforcement bill and urged Washington to embrace bipartisanship.
“Am I going to deliberately push back on things? No, I’m going to do what’s good for my country and my state,” he said.
Asked about the nominees coming through the panel he chairs — which could include a new Labor secretary and FDA commissioner — Cassidy noted that there were already nominees who were not able to get through the committee.
“I’m going to continue to do what is best for my state and best for my country and try and make every decision with that consideration,” he said about whether his approach to the administration will change.
Those comments came after Cassidy delivered a withering, if veiled, condemnation of Trump in his concession speech, raising the possibility that he could become increasingly outspoken in his disagreements with the president over the next seven months.

“Insults only bother me if they come from somebody of character and integrity. I find that people of character and integrity don’t spend their time attacking people on the internet,” Cassidy said during the speech Saturday night.
Cassidy largely avoided addressing Trump directly when speaking with reporters Monday. He declined to say, for instance, if he thought Trump had done something that constituted a high crime or misdemeanor during his second term. He was one of the seven Republicans to vote to convict the president on impeachment charges after the Jan. 6 riot at the Capitol by a mob of Trump supporters.
Instead, Cassidy said he wanted to “give a better vision of how we should do things” and signaled that’s an area where he will speak out on before his term ends in early January.
“I think people want me to say negative things,” he said. “I’m saying positive things, positive things that may reflect upon the current circumstance, but it’s coming from my heart about making my country a better place, and that’s my goal.”
Cassidy’s avowed attitude could be a sigh of relief for Senate Republicans, who need near-complete unity to confirm nominees or advance legislation through the Senate unless they can win over Democratic votes.
Republicans already have several members who are retiring, and while they generally vote with the party, former GOP Leader Mitch McConnell of Kentucky and Sen. Thom Tillis of North Carolina have shown a willingness to break with the president on key issues.
“I don’t see him going in the way of a Thom Tillis, or something like that, to cause unnecessary problems,” said a former Cassidy aide granted anonymity to candidly assess the senator’s thinking. “I think he’ll continue to do what he’s always done, which is just kind of do what he feels is right. I would be surprised if he goes on the warpath.”
Saturday’s loss was the culmination of a politically tortuous year for Cassidy, who stifled his concerns and advanced several controversial Trump nominees — most prominently HHS Secretary Robert F. Kennedy Jr.
He also told colleagues — and Blue Light News — last year that the White House had assured him Trump would stay neutral in the primary, something some GOP senators were privately skeptical about given the president’s mercurial nature and lingering anger over the 2021 vote.
Trump instead endorsed a primary opponent, Rep. Julia Letlow, as payback for Cassidy’s 2021 conviction vote. She won a plurality Saturday and will face former Rep. John Fleming in a June 27 runoff.
Cassidy said Monday he had no regrets over the conviction vote.
“I actually voted to uphold the Constitution — that’s a better way to put it,” Cassidy said. “That may have cost me my seat, but who cares?”
The White House did not respond to a request for comment on concerns over Cassidy blocking legislative priorities or nominees.

A former administration official from Trump’s first term said the president’s team understood the risks of not endorsing Cassidy and isn’t worried about the senator going into YOLO mode now.
“This is the outcome they wanted — I think that they had factored all of that in from the beginning,” the person said. “I don’t see any regret coming out of them. Cassidy would have been a thorn in the side all the way through the end. And, to be honest, once he got past an election, I don’t think he would care anymore, because who’s going to be gone first — Trump or Cassidy?”
The person added that Cassidy won’t be the only senator on his way out the door looking to block nominees from the president, suggesting the White House could keep acting officials in place until a new Congress is seated next year.
Several of his colleagues downplayed that Cassidy, who is known within the conference for being a low-key health-policy wonk, would suddenly reinvent himself as a major gadfly for Senate leadership or the White House.
But there are already signs that Cassidy might be freer with his post-election tongue.
Asked Monday about the Justice Department’s establishment of a controversial “antiweaponization” fund to pay settlements to people allegedly targeted by Democratic administrations, the senator said he didn’t see a “legal precedent” for it.
Cassidy’s delegation mate, GOP Sen. John Kennedy said, he is “very nonemotional in the way he makes his decisions.”
“He’s very analytical, and personally, I think Bill will just continue to do what he’s always done, just call it like he sees it,” he added.
Senate Majority Leader John Thune called Cassidy a “team player” who wants to “see our team succeed.”
“He’s got several months here in which he can be a real force for change and a factor in trying to get some things done, and chairs an incredibly significant, powerful committee here, and we look forward to continuing to work with him,” Thune said.
Sen. Josh Hawley (R-Mo.), a member of the committee Cassidy chairs, largely declined to comment on the race but noted that he’s got bills he wants to get through the panel before the end of the year.
“I’m going to be really nice to him,” Hawley said.
Kelsey Brugger, Calen Razor and Hailey Fuchs contributed to this report.
Congress
Bill revamping college athletics is again pulled from House agenda
House GOP leaders are pulling a long-stalled college athletics bill from a planned House vote for a second time after they failed to secure the required votes, according to two people granted anonymity to describe internal deliberations.
The SCORE Act, if enacted, would reshape oversight of college athletics in the “name, image and likeness” era of student-athlete compensation. But a pocket of GOP opposition has imperiled the bill, even after Republican leaders negotiated alterations with Rep. Chip Roy (R-Texas) and others.
Last week, Republicans on the leadership whip team privately acknowledged the bill was in trouble as Reps. Scott Perry (R-Pa.), Byron Donalds (R-Fla.) and others remained skeptical of the entire effort.
Speaker Mike Johnson, who would need near GOP unanimity to pass a procedural measure teeing up the bill for a final vote, said in an interview Friday he would talk to Perry and others but remained confident he could get the legislation across the finish line.
While Democrats were never expected to support that procedural step, the Congressional Black Caucus dealt a significant blow to the overall legislation Monday when the influential Democratic group came out against the bill, threatening any semblance of bipartisanship.
House Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries has scheduled a Tuesday news conference with NAACP President Derrick Johnson to rail against the legislation.
The two people familiar with the decision to pull the bill said it was a result of both the CBC move and continued opposition from Perry and Donalds, who is running for governor of Florida.
Congress
Schumer keeps options open on housing bill as cross-chamber tensions rise
Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer told a group of people in the housing industry last week that he’s open to supporting the House version of an embattled housing affordability package if it were to pass in the House and emerge as the most viable path towards a final bill, said three people familiar with the conversations who were granted anonymity to speak about private discussions.
The House is expected to pass its bipartisan housing bill on Wednesday and send the legislation back to the Senate.
The House bill would amend the Senate-passed 21st Century ROAD to Housing Act that received 89 votes in March and was endorsed by the White House. The two bills are largely similar and aim to increase housing supply and affordability and individual homeownership.
Republican and Democratic lawmakers view passage of the bill as a key policy win during an election year that is increasingly being dominated by voters’ concerns over rising costs.
The House legislation would significantly scale back the Senate bill’s restrictions on large investors buying up houses and add some additional Democratic and Republican priorities. The House bill earned the support of both House Financial Services Chair French Hill (R-Ark.) and ranking member Maxine Waters (D-Calif.) and is expected to move under special fast-track procedures that will require significant bipartisan support. House GOP leaders have been adamant that they do not have the support to pass the Senate-passed housing package as-is.
A spokesperson for Schumer said it was “not true” that the New York Democrat is in support of the House’s bill.
“Leader Schumer supports the Senate-passed housing bill and wants to get a good housing bill done that meaningfully takes on the housing affordability crisis facing American families. That’s why, the House should take up the Senate bill,” the spokesperson said.
Senate Banking Chair Tim Scott (R-S.C.) and ranking member Elizabeth Warren (D-Mass.), the architects of the Senate-passed housing bill, have both continued to push back against the House version, urging their colleagues on the other side of the Capitol to pass the Senate’s language.
The White House is also pressuring the House to pass the Senate bill, arguing that the Senate’s language on large institutional investors better aligns with President Donald Trump’s priorities for cracking down on Wall Street’s role in the housing market.
However, the housing industry has largely backed the housing language from the House. A coalition of more than 30 national housing-related groups sent a letter to House leaders Monday urging the chamber to pass the housing package immediately. Other housing groups, which had previously spoken out against the Senate-passed housing bill, publicly supported the House’s version over the past few days.
-
Politics1 year agoFormer ‘Squad’ members launching ‘Bowman and Bush’ YouTube show
-
The Dictatorship1 year agoLuigi Mangione acknowledges public support in first official statement since arrest
-
Politics1 year agoFormer Kentucky AG Daniel Cameron launches Senate bid
-
Uncategorized2 years ago
Bob Good to step down as Freedom Caucus chair this week
-
The Dictatorship1 year agoPete Hegseth’s tenure at the Pentagon goes from bad to worse
-
Politics1 year agoBlue Light News’s Editorial Director Ryan Hutchins speaks at Blue Light News’s 2025 Governors Summit
-
The Josh Fourrier Show2 years agoDOOMSDAY: Trump won, now what?
-
The Dictatorship8 months agoMike Johnson sums up the GOP’s arrogant position on military occupation with two words







