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Trump doesn’t give Congress much to do before the midterms

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President Donald Trump sketched out his vision Tuesday night of Republican governance heading into the midterms. Congress is barely in the picture.

From a legislative perspective, Trump’s State of the Union address was notable for what it didn’t include. He gave Republicans a pass on trying to revive his global tariff campaign after a major Supreme Court setback. He didn’t demand another party-line domestic policy bill before November, and he even skipped a jab at one of his favorite punching bags, the Senate filibuster.

Instead, Trump used the bulk of the speech to lean into red-meat issues like illegal immigration and gender-affirming health care, while encouraging lawmakers to tackle a few relatively minor topics — many of which have already been churning behind the scenes for months.

“He wasn’t really pushing us to do anything we don’t [already] want to do,” Sen. Kevin Cramer (R-N.D.) said.

The upshot is that Trump’s prime-time address is unlikely to make more than a ripple in the congressional agenda over the coming months. It’s the reality, Republicans acknowledged Wednesday, of life in Washington right now: Despite its trifecta, the party’s legislative ambitions are being hemmed in by its barely-there majorities.

“I think we know what the agenda items are,” Rep. Ryan Mackenzie (R-Pa.) said. “Accomplishing those is going to be hard with a small majority.”

GOP leaders on Capitol Hill are vowing to focus on pocketbook issues heading into the midterms, as they try to convince skeptical voters the party is responding to lingering economic angst.

The Senate, for example, is expected to tee up a bipartisan housing bill at the end of this week, and Majority Leader John Thune hinted Wednesday that other measures, such as an energy permitting overhaul, could be on the chamber’s to-do list for the rest of this Congress.

Senate Majority Leader John Thune (R-S.D.) speaks alongside Sens. John Barrasso (R-Wyo.) and James Lankford (R-Okla.) during a press conference at the U.S. Capitol, on Feb. 25, 2026.

But Trump showed only passing concern about lawmakers’ anxieties Tuesday, sending the message that the economy was on the rebound — asserting that prices were falling just fine and that last year’s GOP megabill did quite enough to address any voter concerns.

He mentioned “affordability” only to engage in a blame game — accusing Democrats of embracing that word “knowing full well that they caused and created the increased prices that all of our citizens had to endure.”

Instead, Trump pressed lawmakers to “codify” a drug pricing plan his administration negotiated with some pharmaceutical manufacturers and rolled out a retirement savings program that largely builds on a bipartisan law signed by his predecessor, Joe Biden. He also weighed in on the housing proposal, urging members to limit home purchases by institutional investors.

Those matters have already been percolating on Capitol Hill, with internal divisions among Republicans creating major obstacles in some cases.

“On our side, obviously, they’re not unanimous,” Thune said about the housing and drug proposals. “There are a lot of these things that are not just that clear cut.”

The situation in the House is even more tenuous. While the thin GOP majority there was able to eke through a partisan elections bill Trump highlighted Tuesday, they have had a harder time building support for another bill that earned a presidential endorsement: a ban on lawmaker stock-trading.

Speaker Mike Johnson, while not ruling anything out, acknowledged his “small margin” will affect what items on Trump’s wishlist, if any, ultimately make it to the president’s desk. Republicans can currently lose just one vote on party-line matters, and one GOP lawmaker, Rep. Tony Gonzales of Texas, is facing pressure to resign amid allegations of an affair with a subordinate who died by suicide.

“I’ve got effectively a zero-vote margin at the point that we are now, so I’ve got to have near-unanimity among Republican priorities,” Johnson said. “I would like to say we could do some bipartisan things, but it’ll be up to the Democrats.”

Rep. Mike Haridopolos (R-Fla.) characterized the House GOP as a “micromajority” Wednesday and questioned whether one of its members — Kentucky Rep. Thomas Massie, who frequently breaks with Trump — even still qualified as a Republican: “I don’t know what party he belongs to, but it’s not ours.”

Trump did use his bully pulpit Tuesday to urge Senate Republicans to act on the House-passed elections bill, the SAVE America Act, that would place new restrictions on the ability to vote. That included an apparent appeal to Thune, who was in the House chamber for the speech.

But Trump didn’t push to skirt the 60-vote legislative hurdle by forcing Democrats to hold the floor in a so-called “talking filibuster” to oppose the bill — as some conservatives personally lobbied Thune on the House floor Tuesday to do, the Senate leader acknowledged.

The U.S. Capitol building is seen ahead of the State of the Union address in Washington, on Feb. 24, 2026.

Thune said he has tentative plans to bring the bill to the floor sometime next month, so long as the Department of Homeland Security shutdown is resolved. But the lack of a sustained presidential push to upend existing filibuster rules makes it even more likely the legislation is likely to sputter out.

Thune, who has repeatedly warned about the potential pitfalls of the talking filibuster approach, said Wednesday it was “a very real possibility” the bill could be brought up under the usual approach that would allow Democrats to quickly block it.

The reality of Congress’ legislative morass isn’t stopping some Trump allies, who are either running for reelection or for another office, from trying to use his State of the Union speech as a springboard to action.

Sen. Lindsey Graham (R-S.C.), who has linked himself closely to Trump, said Wednesday that Republicans “need to legislate with the same spirit as President Trump’s speech.” And GOP Rep. Andy Biggs, who is running for governor of Arizona, touted his own legislation that he said aligns with Trump’s priorities.

“I urge House Leadership to quickly move my bills that align with his priorities,” he said in a statement. “The time to act is now.”

Some conservatives continue to urge Congress to pass another party-line policy bill under filibuster-skirting budget reconciliation rules to give the party a messaging boost before the midterms.

But others who listened to Trump’s speech Tuesday weren’t nearly so inspired. One House Republican granted anonymity to speak candidly quipped, “It was certainly light on details.”

A GOP senator, also granted anonymity, summed up the congressional agenda for the foreseeable future in one word: “Slow.”

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Congress

Tom Kean Jr., absent for months, to hold fundraiser on the day of his return

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Next Tuesday, Rep. Tom Kean Jr. — missing from action for more than three months due to an unspecified medical condition — is scheduled to make his return to his official duties in Congress. Later that same day, he’ll be returning to the campaign fundraising circuit, too.

According to an invitation shared with Blue Light News, a reception in support of Kean, a top Democratic target this fall, has been scheduled for the evening of June 30. Few other details are known about the fundraiser; Kean’s spokespeople declined to comment, though they did not deny the event’s existence.

Kean also has at least four more fundraisers scheduled for later in the summer and fall, according to a schedule reviewed by Blue Light News. That’s far from abnormal for a politician in a competitive race, but in the context of Kean’s lengthy absence, it’s an indication that the congressmember is indeed fully committed to his reelection campaign, as he’s repeatedly asserted.

A former state legislator in New Jersey who unseated a Democratic incumbent in 2022, the 57-year-old Kean last cast a vote on March 5, 112 days ago. His office said on March 20 that he was “addressing a personal health matter,” an explanation that has been reiterated with scant additional details for months since then, allowing the mystery of his disappearance to quickly spiral from a local curiosity into a national news story.

Last week, Kean spokesperson Harrison Neely said he would be back on June 30, and would provide more details then on what’s been ailing him. The New York Times’ Tracey Tully spoke with Kean in person at his Westfield home yesterday, but learned few additional details about his condition.

During Kean’s absence, Democrats in his 7th Congressional District have endured an expensive primary contest and landed on a nominee, former Navy helicopter pilot Rebecca Bennett, who’s been touted by national Democrats as a star recruit. Bennett herself has largely steered clear of attacking Kean over his medical woes, but an allied outside group recently began an ad campaign excoriating his missed votes.

Kean’s fundraising, too, has taken a hit during his time away from the campaign trail. Bennett outraised Kean by more than $100,000 in the fundraising period that covered April and early May, her first time doing so, though much of that money had to be immediately poured back into her Democratic primary campaign.

The congressmember’s June 30 fundraiser gives him a chance to start catching back up with Bennett on day one of his return, but it’s also providing fodder for his Democratic critics.

“Tom Kean Jr. has time to trade stocks and fundraise with his wealthy donors, but hasn’t found the time to be transparent with his constituents about why he’s been missing from work for months while taking a taxpayer salary,” Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee spokesperson Eli Cousin said in a statement. “He represents everything that people hate about corrupt career politicians.”

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Hispanic Caucus members are devastated their chair lost his primary. Will they welcome his successor?

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Still reeling from their leader’s electoral defeat earlier this week, members of the Congressional Hispanic Caucus are warily preparing to welcome his successor — with some conditions.

Darializa Avila Chevalier — a Democratic Socialist who ousted Hispanic Caucus Chair Adriano Espaillat in Tuesday’s New York primary and is expected to win the general election — plans to join the coalition currently composed of 42 Democrats across the party’s ideological spectrum.

“ICE kidnappings have sent school absenteeism rates skyrocketing across New York City since immigrant parents are too afraid to send their children to school,” Avalia Chevalier said in a statement Thursday. “I’m proud to join the CHC on Day One in office and stand alongside Latino leaders to fight back, push a bold agenda for our families and make sure NY-13’s voice is heard.“

The Hispanic Caucus is expected to be at the center of consequential policy fights in the next Congress as Democrats continue to battle the Trump administration on any number of fronts, including immigration. If Democrats take the majority, the CHC will look to assert its agenda even further, including by seeking to influence the likely speaker, Rep. Hakeem Jeffries.

But CHC members will demand that Avila Chevalier be a team player. Notwithstanding that she is coming into Congress having taken out a beloved incumbent, she has embraced positions during the campaign, and earlier on social media, that put her at odds with even some of her more liberal future colleagues.

She has, for instance, called for the abolition of Israel as well as all forms of policing, borders and private property.

“If she joins and is aligned with all our priorities and all our legislative programs, we would welcome her,” said Hispanic Caucus Whip Rep. Sylvia Garcia (D-Texas).

Some leading CHC members hope Avila Chevalier will be a productive contributor.

“The more voices that we have, the better and stronger both our larger caucus and the CHC is,” said caucus policy Vice Chair Rep. Rob Menendez (D-N.J.).

Should she be turned away from joining the Hispanic Caucus, though, there would be some precedent.

Espaillat himself tried to join the Congressional Black Caucus after running against a founding member, the late-Democratic Rep. Charles Rangel, in 2012 and 2014. When Rangel retired in 2016, Espaillat ran for the seat a third time — against Rangel’s preferred successor. When Espaillat prevailed, the CBC denied his attempt to join their ranks.

The all-Democratic CHC also previously denied a lawmaker from joining the group in 2017: Then-Rep. Carlos Curbelo, a Florida Republican who was locked in a longstanding feud with the group.

Current members aren’t expecting any similar fireworks with Avila Chevalier. Rep. Linda Sanchez (D-Calif.) — the chair of BOLD PAC, the CHC’s campaign arm — said in a Tuesday statement that “Democrats win when we move forward together.”

“Our commitment is to continue the work Adriano has led with the same energy and determination,” Sanchez continued, “and we look forward to standing with Darializa Avila Chevalier in the fight ahead.”

Progressive Rep. Delia Ramirez (D-Ill.) said “it would be a shame if there are members of Congress who can’t see past respecting a democratic process of an election and not welcome her. I certainly will, and I’m going to do everything in my power over the next six months to help her prepare.”

But Espaillat, when asked Thursday whether he thinks Avila Chevalier should be a part of the CHC, would only say, “That’s another question. I’ll answer it next week.”

Though he won’t have a vote in Congress next year to deny her entry, the decade-long House veteran is respected by his colleagues and considered a mentor to many CHC members, and loyalty could play a role in how Avila Chevalier is received inside the caucus.

“It’s a real loss,” said former Hispanic Caucus Chair Nanette Barragán (D-Calif.) of Espaillat’s departure.

The Hispanic Caucus, meanwhile, will not only be contending with a new, potentially polarizing member, but having to select a chair for the next Congress; though CHC chairs typically only serve one term, there won’t be an immediate predecessor close by to ease the transition.

Multiple Hispanic Caucus members said this week they expect the current vice chair, Rep. Darren Soto (D-Fla.), to ascend. However, several CHC Democrats also acknowledged that Soto is facing a challenging reelection bid in his newly redrawn district, which could render a potential promotion moot.

Other senior members of CHC leadership include Menendez; Rep. Norma Torres (D-Calif.), who serves as vice chair of communications; and Rep. Andrea Salinas (D-Ore.), the current vice chair of engagement.

Rep. Joaquin Castro (D-Texas) is also a member of CHC leadership, but he was previously the chair. Garcia, the whip, said she isn’t interested in the caucus’ top spot.

At least one former chair, retiring Rep. Chuy Garcia (D-Ill.), said he hopes the group embraces the CHC’s next generation of members.

“All of the incoming members should be welcomed there,” he said. “The reality is that they will be a part of this new leadership. They represent the popular will in those districts, and they need to be incorporated as much as possible into the process.”

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Trump calls on House GOP hard-liners to end floor blockade

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President Donald Trump instructed a band of his GOP hard-liner allies to end their House floor blockade with multiple major bills at risk of being derailed.

“House Republicans should unify, and stop voting down ‘Rules’ or, threatening to do so,” Trump posted after meeting with Speaker Mike Johnson Thursday. He added: “No more grandstanding, please!”

“Rules” are procedural measures used by House leaders to control the chamber floor. Rep. Anna Paulina Luna (R-Fla.) and her allies said this week they would vote down those measures until the Senate passes the SAVE America Act, the stalled GOP elections bill.

Trump has embraced hardball tactics to advance SAVE America Act himself — including by refusing to sign a bipartisan housing bill this week. But Luna’s floor blockade has risked collateral damage, including passage of fiscal 2027 appropriations bills and the annual Pentagon policy bill.

Asked about Trump’s post, Luna said she has filed an amendment to the defense bill that would attach the elections bill. Doing so would almost certainly kill its chances of passing in the Senate, where Democrats could filibuster the bill.

The House Rules Committee is set to meet Monday to consider amendments and prepare the bill for the floor.

Trump, meanwhile, did not address the housing bill he refused to sign this week, but Johnson said in brief comments to reporters after returning from the White House that he intended to send the measure to Trump. That would set up a signature, a veto or passive enactment of the bill if it is not signed within 10 days.

“We’re on exactly the same page,” Johnson said. “Congress has work to do, and that’s what we’re going to do.”

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