The Dictatorship
There’s no mistaking what ICE’s new structure is designed to do
The Trump administration is conducting a sweeping overhaul of Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE)with more than a dozen senior officials in various cities being replaced by officials from Customs and Border Protection (CBP). At the heart of this effort is Greg Bovinocommander-at-large of the Border Patrol, who is currently the public face of the Trump administration’s current interior enforcement surges. But what’s unfolding under Bovino isn’t law enforcement. It’s political stagecraft directed from Washington, not the field.
Under Bovino’s command, the Department of Homeland Security has assembled something new: a hybrid, unaccountable task force reporting directly to DHS headquarters and the White House and operating outside the traditional command structures that govern federal law enforcement. It isn’t ICE. It isn’t CBP. It’s a Frankenstein force, stitched together from multiple agencies but loyal to none. Its purpose is to create a community response designed for social media clicks, rather than to keep communities safe.
These aren’t disciplinary moves; they’re purges designed to silence dissent and clear the field for Bovino’s task forces.
The recent wave of ICE senior official reassignments makes the motive behind this new structure unmistakable: It’s about control, not competence. Seasoned career leaders — the very people who built ICE’s investigative, detention and removal frameworks — are being pushed aside or relocated for refusing to chase arbitrary arrest quotas or participate in politically driven operations. These aren’t disciplinary moves; they’re purges designed to silence dissent and clear the field for Bovino’s task forces. In effect, the DHS has replaced law enforcement judgment with political obedience, rewarding those who follow orders from the top — and sidelining those who still believe in risk-based enforcement and the rule of law.
For decades, ICE and CBP had distinct yet complementary missions. ICE’s Enforcement and Removal Operations (ERO) targeted serious offenders in the interior; CBP’s Border Patrol protected the border. Each had apparent oversight, trained professionals and accountability lines that ran through their respective chains of command.
The new structure under Bovino upends that approach. Under his leadership, select personnel from both agencies have been integrated into what’s officially branded a “joint enforcement initiative.” Still, DHS officials describe it as politically controlled, rather than law enforcement-controlled. It doesn’t answer to ICE or CBP leadership — it reports directly to DHS political appointees.

This force is choreographed from the top, executing made-for-media raids in major cities with no mission to respond to public safety, national security priorities or even local needs. Operations once rooted in criminal targeting now focus on optics, including tactical gear, flash arrests and pre-scripted press statements that boast of results. The metrics that best reflect public safety — violent offenders arrested, trafficking rings dismantled, volume of fentanyl seized — are secondary, buried under layers of immigration-only political messaging.
This is not coordination; it’s command theater. As a result, immigration enforcement agencies have become props in a federal performance — eroding confidence not just in immigration enforcement, but in law enforcement as a whole.
This isn’t just about optics today or this week — it’s about setting the stage for the administration’s next act.
Inside ICE and CBP, morale has plummeted. Career officers see precisely what’s happening — and they’re raising their voices — both internally and externally. Many of these officers, who’ve spent years building complex investigations into gang networks and transnational crime, are being reassigned. Border Patrol agents, trained to operate in remote interdiction zones, are being taken “off the line” and are now arresting construction workers in suburban neighborhoods to generate social media content.
These career officials know their badges weren’t meant for political showmanship. And they see the growing danger of a structure that answers not to law enforcement professionals but to non-Senate-confirmed political appointees and advisers seeking headlines.
The resistance is still quiet, but it’s sure to grow. Supervisors will start questioning orders. Local law enforcement partners will continue to resist or withdraw from cooperating with federal law enforcement through arrangements such as 287(g) agreements. They may decide that these agreements no longer reflect community public safety priorities or embody legitimate enforcement. The professionals are unlikely to change, but it’s clear that the mission around them is already being hijacked.

Make no mistake: What Bovino is running is effectively a new DHS entity in all but name. It has its own operational footprint, communications strategy and chain of command. Yet it has no congressional authorization or oversight, and it’s working under a broad mix of law enforcement authorities.
This isn’t just about optics today or this week — it’s about setting the stage for the administration’s next act. Bovino’s “task force” is laying the groundwork for a rapid expansion of so-called soft-sided detention facilities across the country.
The price of this spectacle isn’t measured in headlines or detention beds. It’s measured in credibility.
Plans and resources are coming together to establish temporary detention compounds capable of processing thousands of people at a time in areas where the Border Patrol will expand deployments in early 2026. These aren’t being built to house violent offenders or national security threats. They’re designed to absorb the surge of arrests of people who pose no safety threat that this political task force intends to generate.
The DHS is pre-positioning enforcement infrastructure and capacity ahead of historic enforcement operations in 2026, but the real intent is clearly political, rather than prioritizing public safety or protecting communities. Next year, as the election season heats up, this infrastructure will enable the DHS and the White House to showcase mass detentions and deportations as evidence of strict and “decisive enforcement.” It represents a fundamental betrayal of what immigration enforcement should be: targeted, risk-based and grounded in public safety.
The price of this spectacle isn’t measured in headlines or detention beds. It’s measured in credibility — the currency every officer and agent relies on to do their job.

Every time a politically directed “operation” sweeps up noncriminals to hit a quota, the trust between law enforcement and the community erodes. Every time a field office is forced to stand up for the cameras, genuine investigations suffer. And every time the White House uses badges to perform toughness, it weakens the institutions those badges represent.
The task force Bovino leads doesn’t represent the best of the DHS. It represents the worst instincts of Washington: power without accountability, politics dressed up as public safety and performance art masquerading as law enforcement.
And if it continues unchecked, it won’t just distort immigration enforcement — it will redefine federal law enforcement itself, turning it from an institution of public trust into a show, with a cast of masked actors, on a political stage.
Jason Houser
Jason Houser served as the chief of staff for Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) from 2021 to 2023. He previously served as a counterterrorism official for Customs & Border Protection (CBP)
The Dictatorship
Karen Bass advances to general election in Los Angeles mayoral contest
Incumbent mayor Karen Bass will proceed to the Nov. 3 general election in the Los Angeles mayoral race, the Associated Press projected early Wednesday morning.
Bass emerged as the leader of the crowded field of more than a dozen candidates after a feisty battle the past few months that led to former reality TV star Spencer Pratt and Los Angeles City Councilwoman Nithya Raman polling neck-and-neck less than a week before primary day.
As of early Wednesday morning, the Associated Press had yet to project a second candidate who would advance to the general election in the all-party primary in which the top two vote-getters move on.
Bass, the 72-year-old incumbent, has a long record in politics: Before being elected LA mayor in 2022, she represented Los Angeles in the California State Assembly, eventually becoming speaker, and served six terms in the U.S. House of Representatives. She entered the mayor’s race facing extensive criticism from Angelenos for both her handling of last year’s deadly LA wildfires — she was in Ghana when the blazes broke out — and her failure to achieve her goal of ending homelessness by the end of her first term.
Bass has campaigned on her experience, which includes standing up to the Trump administration when the president deployed Immigration and Customs Enforcement to the city last year, and a pledge to deliver on her promise to end homelessness.
Pratt, 42, was a surprise candidate when he announced his intention to run for mayor in January. The registered Republican and former reality TV villainbest known from the MTV show “The Hills,” has no political experience, but became a vocal critic of Bass and Democratic Gov. Gavin Newsom after his family home burned down in the Pacific Palisades fire last year. Since launching his populist campaign centered on critiquing the city’s Democratic leadership and cracking down on homelessness and crime, Pratt has earned the backing of MAGA leadersand even President Donald Trump himself, though Pratt rejects any affiliation with the MAGA movement.
After a strong televised debate performance last month, Pratt’s fundraising surged. All in all, he has raised $3.7 million since January, compared to the $3.2 million Bass has raised over the past two years, according to the latest campaign finance filings.
Raman, a member of the Democratic Socialists of America who has represented LA’s 4th council district since 2020, launched her surprise mayoral campaign in February — less than two weeks after she endorsed Bass’ campaign for re-election.
Raman, 44, earned comparisons early on to New York City Mayor Zohran Mamdani due to her DSA roots and her pledge to bring generational change to the city if elected. But as the race progressed, she walked back some of her more left-wing policy stances — such as defunding the police and opposing anti-camping zones for homeless people — and polling suggested Raman and Pratt would be fighting for second place on primary day.
This is a developing story. Check back for updates.
Julianne McShane is a breaking news reporter for MS NOW who also covers the politics of abortion and reproductive rights. You can send her tips from a non-work device on Signal at jmcshane.19 or follow her on X or Bluesky.
The Dictatorship
Republican infighting in Iowa points to GOP peril after Feenstra loses governor’s race
Republicans have not lost a gubernatorial race in Iowa since George W. Bush was president.
So the anxiety within the GOP as voters went to the polls Tuesday was, on its face, hard to explain. But the projected defeat of Rep. Randy FeenstraTrump’s endorsed candidate, in the GOP primary for governor was an early sign of just how unpredictable voters may be in Iowa this year.
In the two decades since a Democrat last won the governorship, in 2006, Iowa has gone from presidential battleground to reliably red-state terrain, carried three times by Donald Trump. In most election cycles, that record would all but guarantee a comfortable race for Republicans this fall — even in a year when momentum is building on the left.
Not this year.
What happened in Iowa on Tuesday was a clear test case of just how far the president’s blessing and the sway of partisan identity can carry a candidate over the finish line. Trump’s endorsement has essentially been the gold standard in Republican politics, often making the difference between a candidate being a contender or becoming a has-been. Sometimes, though, Trump simply sides with the candidate who seemed to be the most likely to be the primary winner.
What happened in Iowa on Tuesday was a clear test case of just how far the president’s blessing and the sway of partisan identity can carry a candidate over the finish line.
His nod to Feenstra days before Iowa’s gubernatorial primary, however, carried the marks of a late-breaking rescue mission — especially given that other rivals were well positioned as Iowans headed to vote. Democrats have had to deal with none of those worries on their end: State Auditor Rob Sand has run effectively unopposed for months, free to focus on the general election and that alone.
“Rob Sand is, he’s a very dangerous candidate, he’s running against both parties,” said Bob Vander Plaats, a conservative evangelical leader in the state. While he backed GOP candidate Adam Steen, Vander Plaats had concerns about Feenstra. “I really believe Randy gives us our biggest, biggest risk of having Rob Sand be governor,” he said ahead of Tuesday’s primary.
Even with Trump’s endorsement, Feenstra fell short in the GOP primary. The Republican congressman conceded the race Tuesday night to opponent Zach Lahn, making for one of the few times this year that Trump’s endorsed candidate has been rejected by Republican voters.
Feenstra entered the race as the front-runner. Back in 2020, he helped both national and Iowa Republicans when he defeated deeply controversial Rep. Steve King in a Republican primary — a victory that catapulted him to Washington. With a low-key approach and national connections forged in Congress, he appeared primed to help his party hold the state and continue its gubernatorial-race dominance; federal filings show that earlier in his campaign he moved more than $1 million from his congressional campaign to boost his statewide ambitions.
But the primary bruised him. While Sand glided toward November, Feenstra spent the spring fending off a crowded field.
“I feel pretty comfortable saying that we can beat anybody that they put against us,” Sand told reporters Tuesday. “I think most Iowans recognize that the state’s going in the wrong direction.”
In a five-way Republican race, Feenstra’s most formidable challenge came from Lahn, who tried to claim the “outsider” lane. Lahn lent his campaign more than $2 million and drew support from the late Charlie Kirk’s Turning Point Action organization and an arm of the Make America Healthy Again movement — the kind of backing that can scramble expectations in Republican circles.
Trump noticeably sat out the race until late last week, when he posted an endorsement on social media touting Feenstra. Despite all that, even after Trump endorsed the congressman, Lahn said last weekend he did not believe Feenstra could beat Sand this fall.
“Rob Sand has run a campaign that he’s been out with the people for a very long time, the complete opposite of what Randy Feenstra’s done,” Lahn said in an interview. “This is what’s at stake. If Randy Feenstra’s the nominee on June 3, it affects every other race for Republicans in the state. That’s how important this is. It affects the U.S. Senate race, the House races, some of which will be in razor-thin margins.”
Ahead of polls closing Tuesday night, Feenstra campaign spokesman Billy Fuerst claimed in a message that “Randy Feenstra earned President Trump’s complete and total endorsement to be the next Governor of Iowa because President Trump knows that Randy is the only proven conservative who can defeat Extreme Liberal Rob Sand and keep Iowa red.”
Electability is often a concern in competitive primaries. But the aftermath in Iowa may prove especially difficult for Republicans. While the Iowa governor’s race is important to the state, it also could have an outsize influence on congressional control as well. A strong performance by Sand could prove pivotal in also helping Democrats as they try to win the state’s open U.S. Senate this fall, as well as to potentially flip as many as three congressional districts.
Given the narrow control Republicans have in the House, those seats could become incredibly important. And while winning the Senate race is more of a long shot, it is one of just a few that Democrats realistically have a chance of winning in the fall as they try to overcome a difficult picture to take back the Senate.
All of this means that after a few cycles where its national importance has faded, Iowa could become a tipping point for either Republicans maintaining sway for the final two years of Trump’s time in power or seeing it slip away.
Either outcome may depend on just how much Sand stresses Republicans in Iowa as he runs on a message that picks at partisan politics generally and that tries to bring back some relatability back to a Democratic Party whose reputation as caring about ideology over economic woes has become alienating in pockets of the Midwest and in key battleground states.
“[Sand’s] got the wind at his back right now, because he’s not being attacked relentlessly like he will be after the primary,” said David Kochel, an Iowa Republican strategist. “I think once this race defines and once you kind of can show that he is part of a national Democratic brand, I think it gets a lot tougher for him to win a state like Iowa.”
Hunter Woodall covers politics for MS NOW. He’s reported on politics and presidential campaigns for The Associated Press and CBS News and reported on Congress for The Minnesota Star Tribune.
Alex Tabet is a reporter for MS NOW.
The Dictatorship
Scott Pelley fired from CBS News after tense ‘60 Minutes’ meeting
Veteran “60 Minutes” correspondent Scott Pelley has been fired from CBS News a day after he excoriated the show’s new executive producer and editor-in-chief Bari Weiss in a staff meeting.
The venerated show’s newly named executive producer, Nick Bilton, announced the network “parted ways” with Pelley in a Tuesday note to staff obtained by MS NOW.
“I know how much Scott meant to many of you, and I don’t say this lightly,” Bilton wrote. “I made repeated attempts to have direct conversations with him over the weekend, and this afternoon I tried to find common ground. That was not the path Scott chose.”
Pelley’s firing deepens a seismic shift for the network, which has seen an exodus of journalists since David Ellison, CEO of Paramount Skydance, appointed Weiss as editor-in-chief last year. Last week, correspondent Sharyn Alfonsi’s contract expired after she criticized Weiss for pulling her segment on torture in Salvadoran prisons from the air. (Weiss maintained that the story was not ready. A revised version aired a month later.)
Pelley has worked for the show since 2004 and has won more than 50 Emmy Awards, according to his bio on the network’s website, which also notes he won half of all major awards earned by “60 Minutes” during his tenure.
In a staff meeting Monday, Pelley told Bilton — a journalist and filmmaker who has no prior experience in broadcast television — he had “slender” qualifications for the job, and that Weiss was “murdering” “60 Minutes,” according to The New York Times, which obtained a recording of the meeting.
“She does not love this place,” Pelley reportedly said of Weiss, according to the Times. “She was brought in to kill it, and she’s been doing exactly that.”
The news of Pelley’s firing was first reported by journalist Oliver Darcy, author of the newsletter Status.
In the termination letter Bilton sent Pelley, which was also obtained by MS NOW, the new executive producer said the veteran correspondent “hijacked my first meeting with staff to disparage me, my qualifications, and my intentions with remarkable incivility and contempt.”
“Yesterday’s performative display of hostility — enacted in front of the staff instead of in a civil, private conversation — demonstrated that you have no interest in contributing to the future success of the show, or approaching my new tenure with a mind open to collaboration and progress,” Bilton wrote.
In a phone interview with the Times after news of his firing broke, Pelley said he devoted decades of his life to the network.
“I have been in combat in Afghanistan. I have been in combat in Iraq. I have been in the war zone in Ukraine multiple times, risking my life and the happiness of my family because of my devotion to the broadcast,” he told the newspaper.
Weiss herself praised Pelley’s career even as she condemned his conduct in recent days.
“Despite our attempts to engage with Scott Pelley and to find a way back, unfortunately we weren’t able to do so, and so
we had to part ways,” Weiss said Wednesday morning at the top of the CBS News editorial call, according to remarks obtained by MS NOW.
“That unfortunate outcome does not discount from the amazing contributions and work that Scott Pelley
has done for CBS and for ‘60 Minutes’ over the course of his career,” Weiss added, listing several major things Pelley covered in the show’s most recent season.
“Those are unforgettable stories,” she said.
Julianne McShane is a breaking news reporter for MS NOW who also covers the politics of abortion and reproductive rights. You can send her tips from a non-work device on Signal at jmcshane.19 or follow her on X or Bluesky.
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