Politics
The problem with Trump’s pitch to Muslim and Arab American voters
Donald Trump wants to win an election, which means he’s reaching out to voters who might be skeptical of him, his record and his vision. It’s an enormous challenge: The Republican president effectively has to target communities by saying, “Vote for me despite everything you already know about me.”
With this in mind, Trump is targeting Black voters, hoping they overlook his lengthy history of racism. He’s targeting Latino voters, hoping they overlook the dehumanizing language he has used to condemn Latino immigrants, as well as his plans for militarized mass deportations and detention camps in a possible second term.
The GOP candidate’s outreach to Muslim and Arab American voters is every bit as difficult. The New York Times reported:
[I]n a tight election, Mr. Trump and his campaign have been trying to win the support of Arab American and Muslim voters who may be disaffected with Democrats over President Biden’s handling of the war in Gaza and the party’s positions on social issues. Their support is seen as especially important in Michigan, a key battleground state with many Arab American and Muslim voters.
A day before the Times’ report was published, The Washington Post published a related article, noting that Trump has “expressed support for Israel’s offensives against Hamas and Hezbollah in a recent call with the country’s prime minister — a position that could complicate his campaign’s outreach to Arab Americans claiming he opposes the war.”
“Complicate” probably understates matters.
It is no secret that many Muslim and Arab American voters reject the Biden administration’s position toward Israel and Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s ongoing military offensive. Common sense suggests that many of those same voters might be willing to give the GOP ticket a second look.
But while no community ever finds it satisfying to be told, “Well, the other guys are worse,” the fact remains that from the perspective of many Muslim and Arab American voters, Trump isn’t exactly closer to their views when it comes to developments in the Middle East.
On the contrary, according to the Post’s report, which cited six sources, Trump told Netanyahu in one call this month, “Do what you have to do.” In public, the Republican has gone even further, suggesting that Biden is making a mistake by “trying to hold him [Netanyahu] back.”
In other words, while many Muslim and Arab American voters want to see the White House take steps to curtail Netanyahu, Trump wants the opposite.
Meanwhile, the Republican candidate has also begun using “Palestinian” as a slur; he has condemned pro-Palestinian protests; and he has rejected the idea of bringing Gaza residents to the United States as refugees.
In case that weren’t quite enough, Trump hasn’t just bragged about his Muslim ban, he has announced plans to expand it.
Given all of this, is it realistic to think the GOP nominee can make inroads with Muslim and Arab American voters? We’ll find out next week.
Steve Benen is a producer for “The Rachel Maddow Show,” the editor of MaddowBlog and an BLN political contributor. He’s also the bestselling author of “Ministry of Truth: Democracy, Reality, and the Republicans’ War on the Recent Past.”
President Donald Trump’s so-called Religious Liberty Commission, which is filled with right-wing zealotsappears to be coming apart at the seams.
Last week’s resignation of Sameerah Munshi, formerly the only Muslim woman selected as one of the commission’s advisers, underscores the religious divisions that are causing disarray for the panel and the conservative movement more broadly.
Munshi is a conservative activist who has advocated for allowing parents to opt out of lesson plans related to LGBTQ+ issues, a stance the White House has praised for its rejection of “radical gender ideology.” She said her resignation was due to two things: the commission’s expulsion of conservative activist Carrie Prejean Boller and the Trump administration’s war with Iran.
I recently wrote about how Boller’s removal, which followed a heated argument at a commission hearing over antisemitism, has fueled allegations of anti-Catholicism within the MAGA movement. Boller recently appeared on an episode of Tucker Carlson’s podcast for a chummy chat about her removal. And Rep. Thomas Massie, R-Ky., requested last week that the House Oversight and Judiciary committees review her ouster.
In addition to that, Trump’s Religious Liberty Commission is being sued over its lack of diversity. (The White House has said the panel is intended to reflect a “diversity of faith traditions, professional backgrounds and viewpoints.”)
So Munshi’s resignation is just the latest negative publicity for the commission.
“I resign in protest of two deeply troubling developments: the official removal of Carrie Prejean Boller for her deeply held beliefs about Palestine and the federal government’s illegal war against Iran, undertaken without clear constitutional or congressional authorization,” Munshi wrote on Substack.
“Ultimately, I will have to stand before God and answer to Him for my role in this commission,” she added. “I ask His forgiveness if I have legitimized their evil or the evil of this administration in any way. I ask Him to keep my intentions pure and to guide me toward paths that bring true benefit to my community.”
Boller’s removal has also helped fuel right-wing antipathy toward the Rev. Paula White, who Boller has said was behind a “witch hunt” that led to her ouster. During their conversation, Boller and Carlson took turns bashing White, a controversial preacher of the prosperity gospel who has served as religious adviser to Trump.
Some evangelicals in the MAGA movement were apoplectic when White was chosen to lead the White House Faith Office. And now it appears the chickens have come home to roost as her involvement with Trump’s White House threatens the MAGA movement’s religious coalition.
Ja’han Jones is an MS NOW opinion blogger. He previously wrote The ReidOut Blog.
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