Politics
The most confusing thing about Taylor Swift’s Madison Square Garden wedding spectacle
After months of media speculation, buzz about the guest list and the closure of numerous Manhattan streets on a sweltering holiday weekend, Taylor Alison Swift married Travis Michael Kelce Friday night at Madison Square Garden. While some thought the rumors involving MSG had to be an elaborate ruse, the ultra-famous pop star and the Super Bowl-winning NFL player actually tied the knot at one of the world’s most famous arenas in one of the world’s most famous cities, with NDAs and tents ensuring that the only images the rest of us see from these nuptials are the ones Swift (and, presumably, her husband) approves.
Some concrete information emerged shortly after the ceremony, courtesy of Swift’s longtime publicist. The bride and groom wore Christian Diordesigned by Jonathan Anderson, a statement confirmed. Swift’s brother, Austin, served as the bride’s “man of honor,” and Jason Kelce, the groom’s brother and podcast co-host, was his best man; and the ceremony was officiated by Adam Sandler. Because the wedding singer absolutely should anoint the marriage of the most famous pop singer in the world.
If there is one thing that people have more opinions about than Taylor Swift, it’s other people’s weddings.
As has been the case amid all the media hype preceding this event, every new detail continues to give the public yet another opportunity to deliver their verdict on Taylor Swift, Public Figure. Because if there is one thing that people have more opinions about than Taylor Swift, it’s other people’s weddings. Pretty much every wedding in human history has been deemed wanting by judgmental aunties or guests who found the bride’s dress too revealing or the first dance tacky because it was to Montell Jordan’s “This is How We Do It.” Combine Taylor Swift, a wedding and the internet, and you’ve got a recipe for basically everyone, everywhere, to have opinions about what was right or wrong, even if most people are disinclined to publicly criticize Swift for fear they will be attacked by an angry mob of Swifties.
So let’s start with MSG. It was an unconventional choice for a wedding — partly because most people could not afford to rent out a venue that seats around 20,000, but also because the ideal Swift wedding venue seemingly would be a magical gazebo illuminated by fireflies and populated by thousands of whimsical fairies dressed in cardigan sweaters. Yet MSG is also the rare venue that’s very secure, one that allows celebrities to get in and out largely undetected and whose structure could protect Swift and Kelce from paparazzi helicopters or drones. Vulture recently argued this was basically the only option for a celebrity of Swift’s caliber, who has hundreds of famous friends and wants to get married with whatever modicum of privacy she can manage.
“I’d wager that there are two events sitting back of mind as the couple plans the wedding: the thwarted terrorist plot on the European leg of the Eras Tour and the mess of crowds at Jack Antonoff’s wedding in 2023,” wrote Fran Hoepffner, referring to the pandemonium that ensued when Swift, a guest at Antonoff’s marriage to Margaret Qualley, was spotted at the rehearsal dinner. Hoepffner argued that safety had to be the No. 1 priority and that Madison Square Garden is the closest thing that exists to a Wedding Fort Knox. That is a fair point.
And yet I can’t shake the feeling that Swift and Kelce must have had other options, one of which would have been to plan a small wedding and reception in a private location that didn’t involve getting permits to shut down some of Manhattan’s busiest streets. An extremely successful and famous pop star who has a thing for numerology and a deep commitment to managing her image did exactly that in 2008. You may have heard of her. Her name is Beyoncé.
An extremely successful and famous pop star who has a thing for numerology and a deep commitment to managing her image had a private wedding in 2008. You may have heard of her. Her name is Beyoncé.
She and Jay-Z tied the knot on April 4, 2008a date they reportedly chose because of the significance of the number four (her birthday is Sept. 4; his is Dec. 4.). They invited just 40 guests and held the ceremony in Jay-Z’s Manhattan penthouse apartment. They didn’t release any video footage from the event until six years later, when they included snippets in their “On the Run” tour.
Admittedly, 2026 is a vastly different world than 2008. Then, social media was still in its relative infancy; Twitter had been born only two years earlier. While fans certainly had parasocial relationships with Beyoncé back then, the intensity of fandoms, especially Swift’s, has grown significantly. People not only want to see what Taylor Swift’s wedding looks like, they feel entitled to that imagery, in part because the Instagram industrial complex regularly serves such intimate, exhaustive accounts of wedding days, both celebrity and not. The hunger for any glimpse of this affair invited not just the mainstream and pop culture media to pay attention but also every influencer or amateur celebrity tracker with a cellphone.
Still, other modern celebrities have figured out how to navigate this admittedly absurd landscape. Tom Holland and Zendaya, arguably Hollywood’s biggest power couple at the moment, got married without any fanfare at all. They didn’t officially confirm they had a wedding until Holland acknowledged it in a recent Esquire interview. We still don’t know exactly when it happened or where. And we’ve seen no photos other than fake AI ones, which obviously don’t count. They kept everything locked down tight.
Earlier this year, Swift’s ex Harry Styles, also a globally famous pop star, proposed to actress Zoe Kravitz. Or so Page Six reportedbased on information from an unnamed source. Given that Kravitz has been spotted with a prominent ring on that finger, it seems likely they are engaged. But neither Styles nor Kravitz, the latter of whom attended the Swift/Kelce wedding, has spoken publicly about it. They also did not post photos on Instagram documenting the moment, a la Swift’s announcement that “your English teacher and your gym teacher are getting married.”
Swift’s success is at the root of her wedding conundrum: Her incredibly personal, confessional songwriting cultivated a fanbase deeply invested in her love life. Getting married without making her happy moment accessible could be viewed by some of her most devout followers as a betrayal. Hence, the Instagram post. But the most powerful thing Swift could have done for the wedding day itself was to draw a hard boundary.
Given this couple’s money and access, this wedding basically had no limits. But ultimately, the question is whether you want your wedding to be an object of public speculation or whether you want a truly private affair. Those options also represent the split between the two primary perceptions of Taylor Swift: She’s either an attention-seeking try-hard or the kind, modest, girl next door. Swift’s apparent preference for the latter view could be one reason why news leaked ahead of wedding-palooza that she and Kelce had donated $26 million to handpicked charitiesincluding several food banks, educational nonprofits and the ASPCA. Those who see Swift as more of a striver may view that incredibly generous gesture as a calculated effort to preempt inevitable criticism about the tone-deafness of having an enormously extravagant wedding on a Fourth of July weekend when many Americans are struggling.
The most powerful thing Swift could have done for the wedding day itself was to draw a hard boundary.
Like most people, Taylor Swift is more complicated than a simple binary. She may be humble and nice. But she also is often a little extra, as we see every time she dances so hard in the audience at practically every awards show. Swift doesn’t ask cameras to focus on her and pull attention from whatever is happening onstage. But she also has to know that is what always happens.
This many years into her extraordinary career, the pop megastar is still figuring out how to navigate her unique reality, and we are all watching. With the knot tied, it’s possible that interest in this couple could calm down. But it’s more likely that the countdowns to a pregnancy announcement have started, because that’s what happens when blurred personal and professional boundaries are a cornerstone of your brand. You feel obligated to share some semi-genuine version of your life for public consumption, as long as the public remains hungry for it.
Jen Chaney is a freelance TV and film critic whose work has been published in The New York Times, TV Guide and other outlets.
President Donald Trump is tentatively set to visit Alabama for a political rally next week, a curious move in a deep-red state as his party fights for control of Congress in several battlegrounds.
The event is penciled in for Oct. 2 in Mobile, but the plans have not yet been finalized and are subject to change, according to two people with direct knowledge of the preparations who were granted anonymity to disclose private planning.
An October rally in Alabama would be a somewhat confounding decision for the president. The GOP has found itself having to play defense in their own territory recently, with Democratic candidates are seriously competing for Senate seats in normally red states like Alaska and Texas. But Alabama has not been considered a state where Democrats have any real shot at winning any statewide office.
Spokespeople for the White House and Republican National Committee did not immediately respond to requests for comment.
The rally could help shore up support for state Rep. Rhett Marques, who is locked in a somewhat competitive race with Democratic Rep. Shomari Figures. Marques is still seen to have the advantage after the Supreme Court allowed the state to use a House map that reconfigured Figures’ majority-Black district earlier this year. Mobile, though, is outside of that district.
Marques’ campaign and Figures’ campaign did not respond to requests for comment.
A foray into Alabama would not be the first time that the president has tried to shore up support in a solidly Republican state this cycle — he rallied last month in South Carolina for Sen. Darline Graham during her primary runoff — but as the general election season has begun he has also started to visit battleground states. Last week, he rallied alongside GOP Senate nominee Michael Whatley in North Carolina.
Trump’s potential campaign visit would follow Secretary of Transportation Sean Duffy’s announcement last week that the Trump administration has granted a $2.5 billion loan to the Alabama Toll Road, Bridge, and Tunnel Authority. That money will fund the construction of the Mobile River Bridge — the largest infrastructure project in the state’s history. The president is also fond of GOP Rep. Barry Moore, who is running for Senate in the state. Another close ally, Sen. Tommy Tuberville, is the Republican nominee for governor. He’s running against Democratic former Sen. Doug Jones, who he unseated in 2020.
Politics
Young men are swinging away hard from Republicans, pessimistic about economy, new poll finds
Republicans’ 2024 gains among young men have evaporated — and that could have instant ramifications this November, according to a new Cygnal poll.
President Donald Trump narrowly carried young men in 2024, according to exit polls, a big swing toward the GOP from past elections. But Democrats’ generic ballot lead among male likely voters ages 18-30 now sits at 57%-40%, according to the new survey.
Trump’s favorability is underwater at just 38%-55%, and Republicans’ net favorability among the demographic now sits at -9 points, with 40% viewing the party favorably and 49% unfavorably.
One silver lining for the GOP: Among all registered voters sampled, including those least likely to turn out in November, the Democratic generic ballot lead is much smaller, 44% to 41%.
“It is not a very good electorate, if you’re the Republican Party, among the people who are the most determined to vote,” said Alex Tarascio, pollster and principal at Cygnal, in an interview with Blue Light News ahead of the poll’s release during Thursday’s Symposium on Young American Men.
Young men alone likely won’t determine control of Congress; they make up a fraction of the electorate, and they are less likely to vote than women of the same age or their older counterparts. But that lack of enthusiasm itself is a warning sign for Republicans, who will need to motivate their base ahead of November if they wish to maintain control of Congress.
The young men sampled are overwhelmingly concerned about cost-of-living issues — the same reason that many swung toward the GOP two years ago.
When given a list of options and asked which will matter most in determining their vote in November, a wide plurality — 29% — selected “inflation and the cost of living,” and another 14% chose “housing costs and being able to afford a place to live.” When asked what policies would make the biggest difference in their lives, the top answers again deal with the economy: The most-selected options were lowering the cost of goods, lowering housing costs and cutting taxes.
Many young men feel pessimistic about their ability to achieve success. When asked if they feel the rules in this country are set up to work for or against young men, 43% said they feel the rules are set up against them to 47% who said the rules are set up in their favor.
That pessimism bleeds into how they view other institutions. Both the Democratic Party (-1) and Republican Party (-9) have net-negative favorability among the demographic, and the White House’s current occupants are even more unpopular: Vice President JD Vance sits at 37% favorability with -10 net favorability, while Trump is at 38% favorability with -17 net.
“Young men are pretty down on institutions and political figures, and this one isn’t any exception to that,” Tarascio said.
Republicans successfully targeted young men and low-propensity voters in 2024 to help propel them to victory largely in part by having Trump sit for interviews with podcast hosts and influencers popular with young men. Trump has yet to return to those forums en masse ahead of the midterms, but he’s repeatedly told voters to pretend as if he’s on the ballot in November.
But Trump may no longer be the motivator he once was for turning out young, male, low-propensity voters. Among those surveyed who were least likely to vote, Trump’s net favorability is -22, lower than the respondents most likely to vote, where his net favorability is -19.
“If Trump gets in front of them, I don’t think it’s a bad bet, but for some of these people it could backfire,” Tarascio said.
The poll was conducted Sept. 15-18 with a sample of 800 registered male voters ages 18-30. The margin of error is plus or minus 3.46 percentage points.
The National Republican Senatorial Committee is shifting its focus away from the North Carolina and Georgia Senate races as it works to shore up red states like Texas and flip other Democratic-held seats.
In a closed-door meeting Wednesday, Sen. Tim Scott, the chair of the NRSC, told Senate Republicans that the campaign arm will focus its spending going forward on defending GOP seats in Maine, Alaska, Ohio, Iowa and Texas and trying to flip the Democratic-held seats of Michigan and New Hampshire, according to four people in the room who were granted anonymity to share private details.
That list notably leaves out North Carolina GOP nominee Michael Whatley’s battle against Democrat Roy Cooper and Georgia GOP nominee Mike Collins’ effort to unseat Democratic Sen. Jon Ossoff.
Scott’s briefing is the clearest sign yet that Republicans have deprioritized the two states, as POLITICO has reported, while senior Republicans grow increasingly resigned to the possibility of losing those races. It’s a remarkable shift: President Donald Trump carried Georgia twice in 2016 and 2024 and North Carolina over the last three presidential elections.
In deprioritizing North Carolina, the NRSC is effectively ceding a state that Democrats haven’t won in the Senate since 2008.
Still, other GOP groups with massive war chests, including Trump’s MAGA Inc., could pick up the slack.
Scott also shared with the senators polling showing Republicans are locked in tight battles in several other key races, which tracks with much of the public polling, according to the four people.
For example, one poll found that GOP Sen. Jon Husted of Ohio is still trailing former Democratic Sen. Sherrod Brown. Scott also showed polling indicating Republican John Sununu is essentially neck-and-neck with Democratic Rep. Chris Pappas in New Hampshire, a seat Republicans are laser-focused on trying to flip.
NRSC did not respond to a request for comment. Neither did Collins’ campaign.
“As Roy Cooper said earlier this year about U.S. Senate races in North Carolina, ‘Democrats are often ahead until they are not.’ And then just last week Cooper, correctly, observed, ‘We know a lot of undecided voters lean Republican.’ We’re confident we will have the resources to get our message out to North Carolina voters and win,” said Whatley Spokesman DJ Griffin in a statement.
Georgia GOP party chair Josh McKoon dismissed the notion that his state was being deprioritized by Republicans in Washington, even as he acknowledged beating Ossoff will be a challenge.
“Every cycle, someone in Washington leaks that they’re thinking about moving money,” he said in a text message. “What matters is who shows up — and what the actual numbers say.”
Senate Majority Leader John Thune is set to headline a fundraiser for Collins in Atlanta on Thursday, alongside the state’s popular Republican governor, Brian Kemp. The Collins campaign is also making the case that one in 10 Georgia voters — who backed Trump in 2024 and plan to vote for Jackson — are still “up for grabs,” according to a memo obtained by POLITICO.
“The goal in Georgia is to strike a balance where you are spending as little for Senate as possible while not derailing Rick Jackson’s, so far, very strong bid for Governor in a difficult environment,” said a GOP pollster granted anonymity to speak candidly about the landscape. Public polling shows the governor’s race has much tighter margins, with Jackson leading Democratic nominee Keisha Lance Bottoms in some recent surveys.
Sen. John Cornyn (R-Texas), who lost his Senate primary to Trump-backed Ken Paxton, was also in the room. He later told Blue Light News that the party has to make tough decisions.
“At some point I think the people spending that money are going to have to make hard choices and figure out where the money can have the biggest impact, and certainly Texas is the most expensive,” Cornyn said.
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