Congress

The midterms are months away. The scramble to get on Congress’ tax writing committees has already started.

Published

4 months ago

July 6, 2026

A giant wave of departures is set to hit Capitol Hill’s tax writing committees in the next Congress, jumpstarting the competition to fill some critical gaps in institutional knowledge and ideological representation across two powerful panels.

On the House Ways and Means Committee, three Democrats plan to leave office next year: Reps. Lloyd Doggett of Texas, Danny Davis of Illinois and Dwight Evans of Pennsylvania. Two others — Reps. Tom Suozzi of New York and Steven Horsford of Nevada — are not guaranteed to prevail in tight races, which would create additional openings.

Four Ways and Means Republicans — Reps. Vern Buchanan of Florida, Jodey Arrington of Texas, Kevin Hern of Oklahoma and David Schweikert of Arizona — are also headed for the exits.

In the Senate, the Finance Committee is expected to lose one Democrat, Sen. Tina Smith of Minnesota, as well as five Republicans: Sens. John Cornyn of Texas, Bill Cassidy of Louisiana, Steve Daines of Montana, Thom Tillis of North Carolina and Marsha Blackburn of Tennessee.

Landing an assignment on these high-profile committees is considered a coup that can often take years to achieve. Both play a role in producing major tax legislation, leading to landmark laws like last year’s One Big Beautiful Bill Act and the Affordable Care Act of 2010. And in the next Congress, it will be where Republicans work to help President Donald Trump cement his legacy of tax cuts, while Democrats build out a tax platform to run on in 2028 — their next chance to win a governing trifecta to codify their agenda.

Adding to the prestige: Members of Senate Finance and Ways and Means are typically among the best funded, given the scope and reach of the committees’ purviews and the special interests eager to curry favor.

Ways and Means Chair Jason Smith (R-Mo.) said in a recent interview he has met with more than 10 Republicans who are vying to get onto his panel. Among the lead contenders are Reps. Vince Fong of California, Brian Jack of Georgia and Tony Wied of Wisconsin, according to three people granted anonymity to describe private GOP dynamics.

The committee’s top Democrat, Rep. Richard Neal of Massachusetts, said “it’s going to be a hot spot next year” if his party wins back control of the House in the midterms.

Selection for new members of Ways and Means won’t take place until after the elections, and for each party the process is overseen by a slate of lawmakers representing leadership and different geographical regions.

Jockeying is particularly active right now among House Democrats, who are feeling bullish about winning the majority in November and could, in that scenario, gain as many as 10 or more seats on the panel.

Neal said the work of populating the committee on his side of the dais is “really only speculative until you win,” but that “you want to make sure it’s a reflection of the caucus.”

That could create an opening for additional progressive members to join, given the success of far-left candidates in primary elections this cycle plus the planned retirement of Doggett, one of the longest-serving liberal voices on the committee.

Congressional Progressive Caucus Chair Greg Casar of Texas could use this gap to his advantage. While he would not comment on his active interest in joining Ways and Means, two people familiar with caucus dynamics — granted anonymity to speak candidly — said he’s going for it.

“My focus as Progressive Caucus chair is on helping make sure that we have progressive members well represented across all of the exclusive committees,” Casar said in an interview.

Another progressive from the southwest, Rep. Teresa Leger Fernandez of New Mexico, is also angling for a spot, according to two people familiar with the active conversations.

One Democrat widely considered a frontrunner is Kentucky Rep. Morgan McGarvey, a vice chair of the Progressive Caucus who represents a blue district that includes Louisville. He has co-sponsored legislation on clean energy tax incentives and other affordability tax credits, and would help fill out the southern region’s representation.

Rep. Marilyn Strickland (D-Wash.), a member of the Armed Services Committee, is also seen as having a competitive edge. She can boast having worked on legislation with Ways and Means Republican Blake Moore of Utah that would set up low-income housing tax credits for servicemembers.

In signs these two members have been playing the long game, McGarvey and Strickland have donated three years in a row to the annual fundraising dinner Neal hosts on behalf of the Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee. A member’s willingness to spend generously on the party can tip the scales in their favor.

Six other Democrats contributed to Neal’s dinner this year for the first time — a sign they, too, could be seeking promotions to the panel. Those members are Reps. Tim Kennedy of New York, Kristen McDonald Rivet of Michigan, Rep. Andrea Salinas of Oregon, Gabe Amo of Rhode Island, Johnny Olszewski of Maryland and Hillary Scholten of Michigan.

Ways and Means has not historically been stacked with frontliners because committee members are regularly forced to take politically difficult votes. McGarvey and Strickland have a leg up in this regard because they represent safe Democratic districts.

But it could undermine the ambitions of three more vulnerable Democrats vying to fill a hole in midwestern representation on the panel due to Davis’ retirement: Scholten, McDonald Rivet and Rep. Emilia Sykes of Ohio.

Those three members, however, have experience pushing for tax credits that would benefit their manufacturing-heavy region. And they are women at a time when Democrats should be taking gender into account when making committee assignments, said Rep. Don Beyer (D-Va.), who spent four years trying to get onto Ways and Means before finally winning a slot in 2019.

If Democrats flip the House, four of the six subcommittees could be chaired by women, said Beyer, “which would be unprecedented.”

Also weighing on Democrats could be that three of the departing Ways and Means Democrats are members of the Congressional Black Caucus, potentially giving an edge to Strickland, Amo and Sykes.

Across the Capitol, at least four Republicans are looking to serve on the Senate Finance Committee. According to one person granted anonymity to describe internal party dynamics, those lawmakers include Sens. John Curtis of Utah, Bernie Moreno of Ohio, David McCormick of Pennsylvania and Pete Ricketts of Nebraska.

These GOP contenders, and any others, will be evaluated by the so-called Committee on Committees, which is incidentally chaired by the top Republican on Senate Finance, Sen. Mike Crapo of Idaho.

Crapo, in an interview, explained the first pick always goes to Senate Majority Leader John Thune; the second senator must be selected based on seniority. Lawmakers will be chosen according to this alternating pattern until all the open GOP seats on the Finance Committee are filled.

But nothing is settled until after the midterm elections, Crapo said, “and at that time, we can make the decisions. The leader … sometimes consults with me, and sometimes doesn’t, with regard to his pick. But none of that’s going on right now.”

Crapo did acknowledge there’s always quiet jockeying: “It never stops. …There are always members of the Senate who are not on the committee who are letting their desires be known.”

On the Democratic side, no senators are currently making their interest in joining the Finance Committee publicly known. But the committee’s top Democrat, Sen. Ron Wyden of Oregon, in an interview mirrored Crapo’s assessment of the competitive landscape.

“Without getting into details,” Wyden said, “there’s always lots of interest and I’ll leave it at that.”

Brian Faler contributed to this report.

Congress

Capitol agenda: AI experts to school Congress wanted

Published

5 hours ago

October 19, 2026

Blue Light Newsroom

Artificial intelligence is challenging some lawmakers’ confidence that they have the capacity to regulate it.

The slow pace of Congress and a challenging political environment are already working against lawmakers under pressure to address AI threats. There’s also a significant gap in tech policy expertise.

“We need to dramatically increase the base knowledge of Congress if we’re going to legislate meaningfully,” Rep. Sam Liccardo said in a recent interview.

One big concern is at the staffing level: getting people with a deep understanding of the technology around rank-and-file members. Aides who specialize in tech policy often get lured to private companies with huge salaries that can be hard to resist.

Some lawmakers, like Rep. Mark Takano, are advocating for an in-house hub — something like the long-defunct Office of Technology Assessment, which helped Congress understand emerging technology and its social and policy implications from 1972 until it was scrapped in 1995. A Takano aide said he’ll introduce a bipartisan bill to restore such an office in the coming weeks.

Members have also been leaning on fellows from TechCongress — a nonprofit founded by former congressional aide Travis Moore that places technology experts in member and committee offices.

Moore said in an interview that there are plenty of people who want to work on Capitol Hill, but it’s a matter of “Congress’s will and capacity to absorb that talent.”

Not everybody buys into the theory that staffing will solve the problem. Some conservatives, in particular, have seized on the lack of member expertise to argue for a hands-off regulatory approach.

“We don’t understand it well enough,” Sen. Cynthia Lummis, who has repeatedly brought in technology experts through the TechCongress fellowship, told reporters this month. “We don’t have the expertise to do it.”

“Do you really trust the members of Congress, who barely understand AI, to write the regulations around something?” added Rep. Eric Burlison in an interview last month.

There are a few members who consider themselves fluent in AI policy, including several who have joined working groups on it. They’ve taken educating their colleagues into their own hands but have not always seen great enthusiasm.

Liccardo, for example, recounted how he has brought in experts to brief lawmakers — including huge AI industry figures like Sam Altman of OpenAI and Dario Amodei of Anthropic— only to struggle to convince members to attend.

“We have had challenges in the past trying to get folks’ attention to the issues,” he said.

What else we’re watching:

— WRIGHT: LAWMAKERS ARE ‘WRONG’ ON RUSSIA: Energy Secretary Chris Wright on Sunday dismissed bipartisan criticism when asked about lawmakers warning that President Donald Trump’s diesel deal would help finance Russia. “In fact, they are all wrong. They don’t understand what President Trump’s doing,” Wright said on ABC News. Wright also defended Trump’s decision Friday exempting Russia from key sanctions outlined in the late Sen. Lindsey Graham sanctions law, which was enacted just last month and set to take effect Sunday. The moves have drawn bipartisan outcry.

— PILOT BILLS GET COMEDIAN’S HELP — Lawmakers are targeting year-end enactment of a pair of bipartisan bills aimed at helping pilots deal with mental health issues and hazy medication regulations, thanks in part to a comedian with an HBO show. Lawmakers and others credit Nathan Fielder, star of the docu-comedy “The Rehearsal” for raising awareness on the stresses pilots face in the hit show last year. They say Fielder wasn’t actively involved in lobbying despite pleas from some for help. “Frankly, I’m glad he elevated the story,” Rep. Sean Casten, one of the lawmakers leading the mental health legislation, told Safa. After passing the Senate late last month, the two bills are awaiting House action.

Katherine Tully-McManus, Jalen Beckford and Safa Wahidi contributed to this report.

Congress

Wanted: Tech experts to help Congress regulate AI

Published

9 hours ago

October 19, 2026

Blue Light Newsroom

Lawmakers are under pressure to pass legislation to address the threats from advanced artificial intelligence, but many have serious doubts they have the capacity to regulate the technology’s explosive growth.

Few are expecting lawmakers themselves — some of whom still proudly use flip phones — to become AI experts overnight. But while even congressional Luddites acknowledge there is urgency for Capitol Hill to quickly expand its expertise in tech policy to help with legislating, regulating and conducting effective oversight, there’s no consensus yet on how to achieve it.

“We need to dramatically increase the base knowledge of Congress if we’re going to legislate meaningfully,” Rep. Sam Liccardo (D-Calif.) said in a recent interview.

Congress already has a long track record of lagging behind as technological innovations transform the world beyond Washington: It has adopted a largely hands-off approach to regulating the Internet as it integrated into everyday life in the past 40 years, relying instead on existing laws that govern other industries and taking smaller piecemeal bites.

The challenging political environment won’t help speed things along now: Democrats are split over whether the answer is to put guardrails on the AI industry or ban “superintelligence” entirely, while many Republicans — including President Donald Trump — warn that any regulation would stifle innovation and cede ground to China.

Some members consider themselves fluent in AI policy, including several who have joined working groups on AI policy. Reps. Jay Obernolte (R-Calif.) and Don Beyer (D-Va.) have pursued masters degrees in AI and machine learning, in addition to many others who are self-taught.

The “overwhelming number” of lawmakers have some idea of what AI is and what it is capable of, Rep. Valerie Foushee (D-N.C.), co-chair of a House Democratic commission on AI policy, said in a recent interview. But, she added, “None of us can say that we understand where it’s going.”

The larger concern is at the staff level — putting people with real expertise around the rank-and-file members who don’t have the bandwidth or interest in educating themselves on the frontier of the industry. Aides who do specialize in tech policy often get lured to the industry with huge salaries that can be hard to resist.

That’s where Travis Moore, a former congressional staffer, has spent more than a decade trying to help.

In 2015, Moore left his post as legislative director for Rep. Henry Waxman (D-Calif.) and founded TechCongress, a nonprofit that places technology experts in member and committee offices. The hope is that those offices will be convinced to hire those fellows full-time — or at least recognize the need to secure in-house tech policy expertise.

“You should have a technologist at the table to at least mitigate the unknown unknowns,” Moore said, regardless of what members themselves know about technology.

As AI has boomed, so has demand for TechCongress’ fellows: In the last two years, Moore has fielded more than 1,200 applications for about 36 fellowship slots through the program, which does not accept funding from corporations or tech companies.

Of nearly 130 fellows selected through the program since its founding, Moore said 32 were later hired full-time. Two-thirds of all the fellows have pursued careers in public service, either on Capitol Hill or other government roles.

Rep. Lori Trahan (D-Mass.), one of the leaders on AI policy on Capitol Hill, is among the offices that currently employs a TechCongress fellow. The House Judiciary Committee, the House Foreign Affairs Committee and Sen. Brian Schatz (D-Hawaii) also host fellows.

Moore says his initiative has shown there are plenty of people who want to work on Capitol Hill to help inform some of the most pressing issues of the moment — even when more lucrative salaries in the private sector beckon.

“The constraint is not talent supply,” Moore said in an interview. Rather, he said, it’s a matter of “Congress’s will and capacity to absorb that talent.”

Some on Capitol Hill are advocating for an in-house hub — something like the long-defunct Office of Technology Assessment, which helped Congress understand emerging technology and its social and policy implications from 1972 until it was scrapped in 1995.

Rep. Mark Takano (D-Calif.) has long championed efforts to revive the OTA for years and expects to reintroduce his legislation restoring the office in the coming weeks with bipartisan backing, spokesperson Austin Clark said.

Not everybody buys into the theory that staffing will solve the problem. Some conservatives, in particular, have seized on the lack of member expertise to argue for a hands-off approach to regulation.

“We don’t understand it well enough,” Sen. Cynthia Lummis (R-Wyo.), who has repeatedly brought in technology experts through the TechCongress fellowship, told reporters this month. “You can’t address it based on what policymakers know about it on a one-size-fits-all universal basis. … We don’t have the expertise to do it.”

“Do you really trust the members of Congress, who barely understand AI, to write the regulations around something?” added Rep. Eric Burlison (R-Mo.) in an interview last month.

Others don’t see a hopeless cause, but a convenient excuse.

“I understand it’s hard, but lots of things we do here are hard,” Sen. Chris Murphy (D-Conn.) said in an interview, noting that lawmakers have had to bone up quickly on everything from nuclear energy policy to complex weapons systems and advances in health care, like biologic drugs.

“I just think the industry wants us to believe that there’s seven people who understand this, and that’s just not true,” Murphy said, accusing some of his colleagues of “just throwing shit up against the wall to try to figure out how to justify doing nothing.”

A few members on both sides of the aisle have taken educating their colleagues into their own hands. Obernotle says he helped tutor more than two dozen House members through the bipartisan AI working group he chaired in the previous Congress.

Liccardo, who represents parts of Silicon Valley, recounted how he has brought in experts to brief lawmakers — including huge AI industry figures like Sam Altman of OpenAI, Dario Amodei of Anthropic and Jensen Huang of Nvidia — only to struggle to convince members to attend.

“We have had challenges in the past trying to get folks’ attention to the issues,” he said. “We have a lot of work to do, I’ll just say, to get everybody up to speed.”

Riley Rogerson, Jordain Carney and Mia McCarthy contributed to this report.

Congress

Retiring GOP congressmember will ‘absolutely not’ vote for successor in at-risk seat

Published

2 days ago

October 17, 2026

Blue Light Newsroom

Retiring Nevada Republican Rep. Mark Amodei said he won’t vote for the Trump-endorsed GOP candidate vying to replace him amid a string of stolen valor and other accusations — and warned that the once-safe Republican seat President Donald Trump won by 14 points is at risk of flipping blue on Election Day.

Amodei said in an interview Saturday he would “absolutely not” vote for businessperson David Flippo in Nevada’s 2nd District. “I think the seat’s at risk,” he added, citing a string of stolen valor and financial allegations against Flippo.

“You say, well, the president endorsed him,” Amodei added. “It’s like, well whoever was advising the president on, ‘Hey, this would be a good place for you to go ahead and weigh in,’ gave him awful advice. The vetting process — quote unquote — must have been nearly non-existent.”

Amodei specifically cited a series of allegations against Flippo as disqualifying, for reportedly lying about his military service and also failing to file financial disclosures on time.

“It’s just one thing after another. The stolen valor accusations — all that. But you’re just sitting here going, ‘What the heck?’” Amodei said. Flippo has said apparent exaggerations about his military service on campaign materials were mistakes by his staff and others. Still, GOP officials have been weighing whether Trump should campaign in the region to help boost Flippo before Election Day, according to two people with knowledge of the matter. The district has never been represented by a Democrat.

Amodei said he plans to vote early in the coming days and “is looking seriously” at casting his ballot for the independent candidate.

Amid the deteriorating landscape, national Republicans are increasingly wary about Republicans like Flippo holding onto seats in once-safe red districts. Trump won the Northern Nevada seat that encompasses Reno and nearby rural counties by double digits in 2024 and Amodei has held it for 15 years.

On paper, Democrats should have no business playing there. And, national Republicans are still bullish on their chances of holding onto the seat, arguing it’s safer than other red districts they’re more worried about. But Republicans have watched Democrat Teresa Benitez-Thompson, a former Nevada Assembly majority leader, make the race much tighter than comfortable.

Limited general election polls have Flippo either up or trailing by several points. The Trump-aligned MAGA Inc. super PAC just dropped its first spending into the district in recent days, looking to boost Flippo who has self-funded a large part of his campaign.

Nevada Republicans — once bullish about flipping the Las Vegas-area 1st and 3rd Districts — are now paying increasing attention to Amodei’s Northern Nevada district. The economic headwinds that have hit farm states across the country have slammed Nevada’s so-called cattle counties, and demographic change in Reno has favored Democrats in recent years.

Amodei, who has refused to endorse Flippo, views him as entirely the wrong candidate for the district. Flippo is “somebody who air drops into the district,” Amodei said, “announces their intent, pulls out of another district in Las Vegas, within hours of when I said, ‘Hey, I think the time is right for me to retire.’” Amodei also questioned Flippo’s delays in filing his financial disclosures.

“It’s the cynical attitude towards the process to me that has just been staggering in terms of the end justifies the means,” Amodei added.

Amodei said he believes Republicans still have a shot at holding onto their House majority, and he’s told Speaker Mike Johnson he “sincerely” wants the Louisiana Republican to stay on as speaker next Congress.

But Amodei warned the larger landscape for House Republicans has turned darker, compared to a year ago when Republicans “were feeling pretty good, and the winds were at our back.”

“It’s gone,” he said, adding “the mood of the country right now does not feel warm.”

“There’s absolutely no, ‘Yeah, I’d rather be us than them,’” Amodei said. “It’s like everybody better button up their chin strap and be ready to play through the fourth quarter.”

Samuel Benson contributed to this report.