Politics
The abortion debate is turning into Trump’s greatest dilemma
By suggesting — however temporarily — that he was open to a Florida ballot measure that would guarantee the right to an abortion until the time of fetal viability, Republican presidential nominee Donald Trump has once again played his mostly white evangelical base for suckers. Those white evangelicals helped put him in power in 2016 to accomplish their longstanding goal of overturning Roe v. Wade. Now, those same voters have staked their hopes for a total ban on abortion on Trump winning the 2024 presidential election. But there Trump was last week, telling an NBC News reporter that he thinks Florida’s current law, which bans abortions after six weeks, is too restrictive. But then his evangelical base quickly brought him to heel.
Republican presidential nominee Donald Trump has once again played his white evangelical base for suckers.
“I think six weeks is too short,” Trump said Thursday. “There has to be more time and so I want more weeks. I am going to be voting that there will be more than six weeks.” To be clear, Florida voters won’t have the option of choosing how many weeks a pregnancy can progress before an abortion is illegal. They’ll, again, only be voting on whether or not there’s a right to abortion as long as the fetus isn’t viable.
Trump’s answer that Florida’s abortion law is too restrictive angered his most loyal base. But that’s not all. At a campaign stop in Michigan, Trump not only said that he supports IVF — which some diehard abortion opponents oppose — but that he also wants the government to pay the cost of such treatments if insurance companies do not.
The outcry was immediate. Lila Rosean anti-abortion activist, said in a social media post, “If you don’t stand for pro-life principles, you don’t get pro-life votes.”
Albert Mohler, the president of the Southern Baptist Theological Seminary wrote on X, “Former President Trump now appears determined to undermine his prolife supporters. His criticism of Florida abortion restrictions & his call for government funding of IVF & his recent statement about ‘reproductive rights’ seem almost calculated to alienate pro-life voters.”
Mohler said the election “is shaping up as a catastrophe for the pro-life movement” and that Trump “had better count the cost of abandoning pro-life voters — quickly.”
And Trump quickly backed down. Of course, he said Friday, he supports the six-week abortion ban in Florida.
But that can’t erase the fact that he interjected unease and distrust into his faithful supporters. What’s surprising is that such voters ever had faith and trust in Trump on this issue. He has been all over the place on the topic of abortion for a long time. He told NBC’s “Meet the Press” in 1999 that he was “very pro-choice.” When other Republicans brought up that remark in a 2015 debate, he said he’d “evolved.” In February 2016 he praised Planned Parenthoodbut said he’d defund them because they provided abortion care. At a March 2016 BLN town hall, he said “there has to be some form of punishment” for women seeking abortions.
Though he’s often taken credit for defeating Roe v. Wadewhen Republicans did poorly in the 2022 midterm elections, he wrote on Truth Social, “It was the ‘abortion issue,’ poorly handled by many Republicans, especially those that firmly insisted on No Exceptions, even in the case of Rape, Incest, or Life of the Mother, that lost large numbers of Voters.” In March, he suggested he’d support a 15-week national abortion ban.
Now he has a dilemma. He knows that the draconian policies of his evangelical base are not popular, which prompted him to sayunconvincingly, that the “Trump administration will be great for women and their reproductive rights.” But he needs those white evangelical voters to stick by his side. Trump’s frenetic shifting on the issue isn’t about a lack of knowledge. It is about desperation.
Trump’s frenetic shifting on the issue isn’t about a lack of knowledge. It is about desperation.
Trump has never been good for women, but the combination of JD Vance harping on childless “cat ladies” and their tag-team attacks on Democratic presidential nominee Kamala Harris has made them and the GOP look like the party of professional women haters.
Trump’s flip-flopping is a sign of his flop sweat. Running against Harris and her running mate, Tim Walz, leaves Trump as the old man with his young even more misogynist sidekick yearning for the days when the little woman was at home, barefoot and pregnant. His campaign can’t strike egalitarian message in part because of who Trump and Vance are, but also because they’re beholden to hard-line Republican evangelical supporters who are very much invested in banning abortion and restricting IVF.
The demise of Roe v. Wade and the subsequent IVF battles have been devastating for women, and the speeches and commercials featuring women who have been rendered infertile or suffered grievous injury because of these draconian laws stand in condemnation of the intentional cruelty of these laws condemning women to painsuffering, infertility and even death. These testimonies stand in direct contrast to the ways in which Republicans either try to obfuscate what the abortion bans do, or to downplay their effect on women’s access to reproductive care.
The 10 states where abortion rights will be on the ballot in November are a minefield for the Republican Party up and down the ballot. And everything Trump says about the topic leads to another explosion.
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Politics
Canadians are folding on Vegas. Democrats see a royal flush.
President Donald Trump’s trade war has driven Canadians from Las Vegas. Democrats think it will help them protect their Nevada battleground seats in November.
Last year, as Trump levied tariffs on Canada, visits from Canadians — who account for up to half of Las Vegas’ foreign tourism — dropped off by 17 percent. That played a large role in a 7.5 percent year-over-year decline in total tourist visits, making 2025 the worst non-pandemic year for Las Vegas since the city started tracking data in 1970. Now, as peak tourism season arrives in a battleground state where Republicans’ control of the House could be won or lost, Democrats are pushing voters to see the tourism slump as a direct impact of Trump’s levies.
“Trump instituted his reckless tariffs. In response, Canadians have literally boycotted traveling to America,” said Rep. Susie Lee (D-Nev.), whose Las Vegas-area seat is Republicans’ top target in the state. “That has had a significant impact on our tourism.”
Trump narrowly carried Lee’s district in 2024 and nearly won two other Vegas-area districts held by Democrats. Republicans are less bullish than they were a year ago about flipping the seats, but they view Lee’s as their best chance.
The races are a rare example of the international politics of tariffs — beyond their direct economic impact — playing a major role in an election. Unlike the upper Midwest or the Great Plains, Nevada doesn’t have a large manufacturing or agricultural sector jolted by the tariffs. Instead, the product most affected is the state’s Canadian visitors — who, on any given year, make up between 25 and 50 percent of Las Vegas’ foreign tourism market.
Spokespeople for the Republican National Committee and the National Republican Congressional Committee criticized Nevada’s Democratic congresspeople for voting against last year’s reconciliation bill, which included a “no tax on tips” provision. “If they actually cared about affordability, they wouldn’t have spent years making Nevada harder and more expensive to live in,” NRCC spokesperson Christian Martinez said.
Kush Desai, spokesperson for the White House, noted the “vast majority of Las Vegas tourists are Americans,” adding that the Trump administration “is focused on unleashing the historic job, wage, and economic growth that the American people experienced during President Trump’s first term with the President’s proven agenda of tax cuts, deregulation, and energy abundance.”
Many Canadians, incensed by Trump’s tariffs and his “51st state” taunts, have boycotted U.S. products and tourist destinations in retaliation. It coincides with an overall dropoff in Canadians’ view of their southern neighbor: According to a POLITICO Poll in February, a majority of Canadians now think the U.S. is an unreliable ally.
Even some Nevada Republicans acknowledge the problem. “The Canadians aren’t coming the way they were. Wonder why that is, huh?” Rep. Mark Amodei (R-Nev.), who isn’t running for reelection in his northern Nevada seat, said with a chuckle. “The communications for the tariff stuff was suboptimal.”
The dropoff in Canadian visitors played a role in stagnating a Las Vegas hospitality sector reliant on wealthy international visitors spending in the city’s casinos and hotels. A string of Las Vegas restaurants closed in recent months, some citing a downturn in visitors. And while employment has increased recently in the entertainment and recreation sectors, hiring in food and accommodation has been stagnant, according to Andrew Woods, an economist at the University of Nevada, Las Vegas.
The decline has been severe enough that local industry is taking dramatic steps to try to lure back lost business amidst an ongoing boycott from Canada. A group of Las Vegas resorts is offering to treat Canadian dollars at par with U.S. dollars, effectively a 30 percent discount, and hosting free concerts featuring Canadian artists. And the city’s tourism office recently launched a $3.5 million marketing campaign targeting Canadian visitors.
But it’s hard to overcome national patriotic fury with an ad campaign.
“Despite the efforts of our major operators in Las Vegas, the headwinds are coming from these external forces and the policies of this administration, and that’s what’s creating the economic uncertainty that we’re facing right now in Las Vegas,” said Rep. Steven Horsford (D-Nev.), whose district Trump lost by less than 3 points.
Overall tourist visits ticked up in February and March from those months the year earlier, offering a silver lining to the service industry. But the previous year of declining numbers created a deep hole to dig out of, said Ted Pappageorge, secretary/treasurer of the state’s powerful Culinary Union, which represents 60,000 cooks, roomkeepers and other hospitality workers in the state. If the low numbers continue, the union — which endorsed Democrats in all four of Nevada’s congressional races — is considering putting together relief efforts for its struggling members like it did during Covid, which included food, utility and rent assistance.
“If there’s anything like the reduction in visitation that happened last year, if that happens this year, then we’ll be in relief effort territory for our members,” said Pappageorge, noting “thousands and thousands of hours” have been cut for his union’s members this year due to reductions and restaurant closures.
Marty O’Donnell — the GOP front-runner to face Lee, who has the backing of Trump and the NRCC — was once skeptical of tariffs, but now says he “fully support(s)” the president’s trade policy.
“I’m now a convert, because what I see Donald Trump doing with tariffs is not something I ever anticipated,” O’Donnell said in an interview. “He uses it as a negotiating tool in a way that I never anticipated, and I actually love what he’s doing.”
O’Donnell said tariffs aren’t at the top of voters’ list of concerns. “I don’t hear anybody complaining about tariffs,” he said. “I just don’t think it’s an issue. I think there are way, way more important issues.”
One Nevada Republican strategist assisting multiple campaigns this cycle, granted anonymity to speak candidly about GOP strategy, admitted that Canadians were upset by Trump’s threats to make the country the “51st state” last year. But he and other Republicans pointed to an uptick in visitors in February and March. The strategist also noted the fact that Nevada added jobs at a faster rate than any other state in April, even though it has the nation’s third-highest unemployment rate. Those recent economic wins take the air out of Democrats’ attack, the strategist said.
“There are some bright spots,” O’Donnell senior adviser Keith Schipper said. “We’re talking about tariffs less so now than even six months, eight months ago.”
Republicans also point to the popularity of Republican Gov. Joe Lombardo, who they hope can win reelection in a tough environment and pull down-ballot candidates over the finish line. In a February poll, he was still viewed positively by a majority of Nevada voters even as Trump’s job approval dipped to 41 percent.
Not all economic indicators are dire, said Woods, the UNLV economist. The high-end hospitality sector is doing well, and an uptick in convention and business travelers has more than replaced the loss of Canadian tourists in numbers. “Canadian visitors, though, tend to stay longer and make Vegas their prime destination compared to other international tourists, which is good for our economy,” he said.
The local tourism drop lands on top of other economic concerns that are impacting everyone. A new CNN/SSRS poll conducted in late April and early May found that 77 percent of U.S. voters say Trump’s policies have increased the cost of living in their own community. And a surge in energy prices driven by the war in Iran led to inflation reaching its highest point in three years.
But Las Vegas is still an industry town. And with the main industry suffering, Democrats are banking on their races going their way.
“There’s a lot of service industry folks here, and so those folks are in the social circles in town,” said John Oceguera, the former Democratic speaker of the Nevada Assembly. “Whether you’re at a little league baseball game or a school event or whatnot, people are talking about that.”
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