Senate Republicans passed their $70 billion immigration enforcement bill Friday, beating back several attempts to rein in the Justice Department’s “Anti-Weaponization Fund.”

Senators voted 52-47 on the bill after roughly 18 hours of amendment votes. In the end, Sen. Lisa Murkowski of Alaska was the only Republican to vote against the bill.

The House left town Thursday rather than stay and pass it before leaving for the weekend. Now it won’t go to President Donald Trump until early next week — pushing the GOP even further past Trump’s self-imposed June 1 deadline.

Friday’s vote followed weeks of stops and starts as Republicans saw momentum on their party-line package get repeatedly derailed because of Trump’s political priorities. First Republicans needed to contend with the administration’s push to get $1 billion in Secret Service funding, part of which could go toward the White House ballroom project.

Then came the Justice Department’s announcement of a $1.8 billion “Anti-Weaponization Fund” critics feared would be used to give payouts to the administration’s allies, including those who stormed the Capitol on Jan. 6, 2021.

In the end, Republicans nixed the ballroom security money from the bill and beat back several attempts to jettison or place guardrails on the fund from Democrats and some of their own members. 

“It’s a simple bill,” Senate Majority Leader John Thune said Thursday in defense of the legislation. “It will do nothing more than fund Border Patrol and Immigration and Customs Enforcement for three years … because Democrats have refused to fund the Department of Homeland Security or immigration law enforcement.”

But Democrats hammered Republicans for not including language that would limit or prohibit the “Anti-Weaponization Fund” after acting Attorney General Todd Blanche told House appropriators that the administration wouldn’t go forward with it.

Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer accused Republicans of “taking the great values of America on our 250th year and flushing them down the toilet because you’re afraid of Donald Trump.”

He added, “Are Republicans really going to take Todd Blanche, a known liar, at his word?”

In the end, the marathon vote-a-rama did expose GOP fault lines.

Sen. Jeff Merkley (D-Ore.) offered an amendment that would have inserted language to block the construction of Trump’s 90,000-square-foot ballroom unless Congress authorizes the project. It was rejected by a 53-46 vote, short of the required 60-vote threshold, but not before several Republicans lined up in support: Susan Collins of Maine, Jon Husted of Ohio, Jerry Moran of Kansas, Bill Cassidy of Louisiana and Thom Tillis of North Carolina, as well as Murkowski and fellow Alaskan Dan Sullivan.

Eleven Republicans joined with Tillis in an attempt to advance his amendment that would have redirected the “Anti-Weaponization Fund” toward fraud enforcement at the Justice Department. The amendment fell well short of the 60 votes it would have needed to move forward, since most Democrats opposed it because of how Tillis redirected the funding.

Republicans held the first vote of the day — an effort by Schumer to effectively kill the bill by punting it back to the Judiciary Committee — open for hours as they huddled with their own members, who wanted to get language into the bill to nix the fund.

Cassidy himself spent hours trying to get a vote on an amendment related to the fund at a 50-vote threshold. In the end, he offered — with Sen. Chris Van Hollen (D-Md.) — an amendment that failed to clear a 60-vote hurdle, which would have redirected money to law enforcement officers injured on Jan. 6.

And Sen. Tommy Tuberville of Alabama called out fellow Republicans who voted against advancing an amendment to loop part of the GOP election bill, known as the SAVE America Act, into the bill, saying that “the people of North Carolina, Alaska, Kentucky, and Maine deserve better.”

Republicans ultimately decided to go it alone in funding the immigration enforcement activities within the Department of Homeland Security through the filibuster-skirting budget reconciliation process — after they were unable to get a deal with Democrats linking the money to new guardrails on ICE and Border Patrol after federal agents killed two people in Minneapolis in January.

The bill would provide roughly $38.5 billion for ICE and more than $26 billion for Customs and Border Protection, as well as an additional $5 billion that will be dispersed at the discretion of Homeland Security Secretary Markwayne Mullin.

Among other amendments rejected during the hourslong voting session was a proposal from Sen. Mark Warner (D-Va.) that would effectively bar housing official Bill Pulte from serving as acting director of national intelligence by prohibiting a Senate-confirmed leader of a federal agency or department from serving simultaneously in the DNI role.

Collins, Cassidy and Murkowski voted with Democrats on the proposal, which went down 49-49

“This role was too important to be filled by a part-time, unqualified individual,” Warner said.

Katherine Tully-McManus and Jennifer Scholtes contributed to this report.

Donald Trump is setting up his latest loyalty test on Capitol Hill — and it’s not about the war in Iran, Cabinet nominees or his White House ballroom.

Instead, the president is lobbying GOP lawmakers on a plan to make daylight saving time permanent, meaning more daylight in the evening hours and an end to the twice-yearly clock-resetting ritual observed in most states.

Trump has fixated on this issue, believing it resonates with voters who are burdened by “all of the work and money” associated with changing the clocks every six months. He scored an initial victory last month when members of the House Energy and Commerce Committee voted 48-1 to insert an amendment into their portion of a surface transportation reauthorization bill that would codify daylight saving time across the country.

His personal touch, coupled with engagement from the White House Office of Legislative Affairs, helped land the provision in the House transportation bill, according to a senior White House official granted anonymity to share private legislative strategy.

“The president has been actively engaged in this,” the senior official said in an interview. “It’s a big priority for him.”

Trump also made personal phone calls to Republicans on the matter.

“He’s a big fan of it,” said Sen. Josh Hawley (R-Mo.) of a call he received from Trump about making daylight saving time permanent. “He said, ‘Do you still think this is a good idea?’ I said, ‘Yeah, I do, I think it’s a great idea.’”

The president took a victory lap on social media following the committee vote, saying enactment of the so-called Sunshine Protection Act — the text of which was included in the broader measure — would be a “very nice WIN for the Republican Party.”

It remains to be seen, however, whether Trump will be able to parlay support within his party at the committee level to the House and Senate floors, where many members could then be less enthusiastic about voting on a policy change that would have far-reaching consequences.

There have been bipartisan efforts for years to make daylight saving time the norm and none have been successful. Lawmakers have been torn between advocacy from the golf and retail industries eager for more daylight to boost their businesses, and sleep experts who warn of the adverse health effects of darker morning hours — and some Jewish constituents whose daily morning prayers are required to happen in daylight.

Republicans are operating with fragile majorities and rebellions from even one lawmaker can tank an entire bill. In the Senate, Sen. Tom Cotton (R-Ark.) blocked an attempt last October to pass a version of the Sunshine Protection Act on the Senate floor, arguing that farmers in his state “might go three, four, even five hours in the morning without seeing the sun.”

Cotton declined to comment on the latest Trump push to pass the bill. But he’s not alone, said Sen. Shelley Moore Capito of West Virginia, who chairs the Environment and Public Works panel with jurisdiction over the highway funding portion of the surface transportation bill.

“I’ve already heard from people over here who don’t like it,” she said in a recent interview.

The five-year measure is also a must-pass bill that will require bipartisan support, and even Democrats who supported the daylight saving time amendment in committee said in later interviews they don’t think the provision should necessarily carry over to the president’s desk.

“I know that it comes up from time to time, but when I’m at home, people are not talking to me about this whatsoever,” said Rep. Kathy Castor (D-Fla.), a member of the Energy and Commerce Committee. “They’re talking about the high-income cost of gas, high cost of groceries, the fact that health care has been ripped away from them.”

She said the daylight saving time amendment “probably should have [been] debated in the light of day.”

Trump has talked about the economic argument for ending the twice-a-year clock adjustments, recently writing on Truth Socialthat “it’s time that people can stop worrying about the ‘Clock,’ not to mention all of the work and money that is spent on this ridiculous, twice yearly production.”

Ending daylight saving time, he added, “gives you a longer, brighter Day — And who can be against that — This is an easy one!”

Other than that, it’s less clear why Trump has seized on this issue specifically given the various other urgent matters affecting the nation. But according to the senior White House official, the administration’s case is grounded in personal health and the economy — and that every parent of a small child would agree it’s a drag on sleep schedules.

“The overall thrust of the policy is just to stop dealing with the health issues and the various pieces of economic dislocation that occur when we have to change our clocks. And if you’re a parent, the absolute holy hell of having to adjust your children’s internal clocks with the changing of the time, so we think it’s a win-win-win,” the official said.

“Win for the president, win for the American people, and a win for everybody who has to go through this really inconvenient process. We’re going to keep working the bill hard.”

Ending the practice of changing the clocks could be a legacy item for the president, fulfilling something he has been wanting to do since he first publicly endorsed making daylight saving time permanent in 2019.

It’s also a priority for the state of Florida and the golf industry — making it even more personal for the president, a resident of the Sunshine State and an avid golfer. When asked if professional golfers, many of whom are friendly with Trump, could come in to help lobby on the issue, the senior official said only that there’s a “great coalition behind the bill.”

On Capitol Hill, Florida Republicans are leading the fight, with Sen. Rick Scott taking up the mantle after his former colleague Marco Rubio decamped from the Senate to become Secretary of State.

“I passed legislation as governor” of Florida, Scott said in an interview. “The moment it passes, we protect our sunlight … I’m going to make sure it gets passed this year.”

Rep. Vern Buchanan (R-Fla.), a champion of the Sunshine Protection Act in the House, said he was aware the president was making calls on the bill’s behalf.

“Everybody feels basically the same way,” he said in an interview. “I say everybody — most people … want to see that extra hour in the evening.”

As Cotton, Castor and Capito indicated, that may not be the case. The lone opponent against the measure in committee, Rep. Nanette Barragán (D-Calif.), acknowledged the annoyance of the twice-annual time change but raised health and safety concerns that morning darkness would impact Americans’ sleep hygiene.

Yet this might be the first time a president has shown a willingness to expend so much political capital on the issue. And, to Castor’s point about people having bigger things to worry about, industry groups may not be paying close enough attention to try and derail it.

In a statement, a spokesperson for the National Family Farm Coalition said that given other pressing challenges facing farmers — “the continually delayed farm bill, corporate controlled trade policy, rising input costs paired with volatile price markets, USDA restructuring” — the potential end to daylight saving time is “much lower on the priority list.”

The surface transportation bill could run into other problems, including a fight over a bipartisan rail safety bill pushed by Vice President JD Vance that is largely opposed by the powerful freight rail lobby. House GOP leaders are not optimistic a package could land on the floor this month — and, in fact the entire issue might need to be punted to after the November election. It’s also not clear what other legislative vehicle might exist for the Sunshine Protection Act to hitch a ride, Trump’s advocacy notwithstanding.

Rep. Rick Larsen of Washington, the top Democrat on the House Transportation and Infrastructure Committee, called the issue “one of the least important issues that this Congress can deal with,” but welcomed any help from the White House to pass a larger surface transportation package.

“I’m encouraged that they think this is a bill that’s going to move, but I will say this: if they want this … then I hope in the end they help the bill pass,” he said.

Buchanan acknowledged it’s been a long fight already.

“I’ve been working on this thing for eight years, 10 years,” he added. “That’s how long it takes.”

Meredith Lee Hill contributed to this report.

Nearly 30 House members who were sworn in at the start of this Congress have launched campaigns for other, more prestigious offices. Voters have not been especially interested in granting them promotions.

The trend was on full display in recent weeks: Rep. Randy Feenstra lost the GOP nomination to be Iowa governor Tuesday despite a late endorsement from President Donald Trump, just as Rep. Dusty Johnson fell short in his bid for governor of South Dakota. A week prior, Rep. Chip Roy lost a runoff to be Texas attorney general.

House Democrats have been similarly hapless. In the Illinois Senate primary, Reps. Robin Kelly and Raja Krishnamoorthi both lost to the state’s lieutenant governor, and in Texas, Rep. Jasmine Crockett fell to a state representative in the Democratic Senate race.

Some of those who have been on the campaign trail this year have a simple explanation for the trend: It’s hard for members of a dysfunctional and unpopular institution to ask voters to reward them with even bigger jobs.

“There’s definitely those out there who think, ‘Well, it’s broken, and they’ve been in it a long time, and obviously it’s still broken,’ so we kind of get the blame for it,” said Rep. Buddy Carter, who fell short last month in making it to a runoff in Georgia’s Republican Senate primary.

Even as public sentiment toward Congress has crashed to historic lows and partisan mudslinging has crescendoed to a fever pitch, some House members have found success.

Rep. Mike Collins advanced in the race Carter lost and has led most polls of the GOP runoff. Reps. Andy Barr and Ashley Hinson are now the Republican Senate nominees in Kentucky and Iowa, respectively, and Rep. Julia Letlow is the favorite in a GOP Senate runoff in Louisiana. One Democrat sworn in for the 119th Congress, New Jersey’s Mikie Sherrill, is now governor.

But if congressional service was once considered a helpful asset not so long ago — half of last year’s elected class of freshmen senators served previously in the House — members now fear that their time on Capitol Hill has become politically toxic.

In the races House members are losing, state-level officials and political outsiders have found more success.

“The voters all across the country aren’t particularly fond of D.C., so are you perceived to be part of the establishment or someone that’s been battling it?” said Rep. David Schweikert, who is now running for the GOP nomination for Arizona governor.

As he spoke to a reporter in the Capitol, he held a mug with the words, “I’d rather be in Arizona.”

Schweikert is facing a colleague, Rep. Andy Biggs, in next month’s primary. Polls suggest either man would face an uphill battle to unseat Democratic Gov. Katie Hobbs.

Other House members are finding long odds as they look for seats in the Senate or in state houses — even as some distance themselves from their current positions.

In Tennessee, for example, GOP Rep. John Rose has trailed Sen. Marsha Blackburn in public polling even as he plays down his service in Washington. In one recent ad, he identified himself as “a father, a farmer and a CEO,” and his website also makes no mention he is a sitting member of Congress.

Tuesday’s GOP primary for South Carolina governor could at least temporarily extinguish the political careers of two more other members, Reps. Ralph Norman and Nancy Mace. Lt. Gov. Pamela Evette was already a front-runner in several public polls, and won Trump’s endorsement last week.

The pileup of losses could weigh even more heavily on House leaders who have struggled to get members to show up for votes in the closely divided chamber. Speaker Mike Johnson has already canceled multiple voting days this year to accommodate House members’ primary schedules, and the risk of no-shows is likely to increase.

For instance, Dusty Johnson, usually a reliable leadership ally, missed votes Wednesday just as a contentious effort to curb Trump’s military campaign against Iran hit the House floor.

There are, of course, many reasons for success or failure in politics, and some members who have been on other ballot lines this year have been more careful about attributing their fortunes to the House itself. Roy, for instance, pointed out that he was facing a largely self-funded opponent — an oil-and-gas executive who poured $17 million into the race and was able to use the funding advantage to connect with voters.

“You just got to go to where the voters are,” he said. “Some guys have gone out, done well. Some have not.”

Kelly, whose House career is ending after 14 years representing a Chicago-area district, blamed bad timing, insufficient fundraising and other pressures as reasons she and other members have struggled.

“Most people highly respected me for my work in Congress,” Kelly said in an interview. “Even the ones that didn’t endorse me out loud.”

Still, voter sentiment is growing clear to many lawmakers, who are warily watching their own races ahead of November.

“People are anti-incumbent,” said one House Republican who is seeking reelection and was granted anonymity to speak candidly. “They’re mad. They want change across the board.”

The rest of the year is likely to be a mixed bag for House incumbents. GOP Reps. Kevin Hern of Oklahoma and Harriet Hageman of Wyoming appear to be well on their way to winning Senate nominations — and general elections — in solid red states. Polls show Rep. Byron Donalds is on track to be Florida’s next governor, and Trump-endorsed Rep. Barry Moore is well-positioned to win an Alabama Senate seat if he can emerge from a competitive Republican runoff.

But Democratic Reps. Angie Craig of Minnesota and Haley Stevens of Michigan have struggled to break out in their respective Senate primaries. If he can emerge from a crowded primary field, GOP Rep. John James faces a tough general election in the Michigan governor race, as does Rep. Tom Tiffany, a Republican running for governor in Wisconsin.

All of them will have to convince voters that their years of service in Washington are worth rewarding.

“I was a mayor for eight years, I was a state legislator for 10 years, I’ve been in Congress for 12 years, and I feel like that’s important,” Carter said. “I think experience and that service is invaluable [but] I think it kind of worked against me in a lot of ways … just being in politics for so long.”