Congress
Senators eye sanctions vote after Trump targets Russian oil
The bipartisan authors of sweeping Russia sanctions legislation are hoping the Senate is finally ready to consider their bill after President Donald Trump hit Moscow’s energy sector with penalties this week.
Sen. Lindsey Graham (R-S.C.), a close Trump ally and coauthor of legislation taking aim at Russian oil and gas revenue, said Congress “should continue the pressure.” He said the Senate could schedule a “Russia week” in which it takes up several bills related to Moscow’s war against Ukraine.
Graham and Sen. Richard Blumenthal (D-Conn.) have been pressing for months for a vote on their measure to implement steep tariffs on countries that import Russian energy and secondary sanctions on foreign companies that aid in its energy production.
“We have the ability to create a sanction regime that would be beyond legal challenge,” Graham told reporters, explaining why congressional action would be prudent beyond Trump’s unilateral moves. He added that “Trump would be the quarterback.”
Majority Leader John Thune said last week he was ready to advance the long-stalled sanctions package, predicting last week the bill will be brought up within a month. But he struck a more cautious note Thursday.
“As you know, I’ve been interested for some time in getting the sanctions bill up on the floor,” he said. “We’re trying to do … that in concert and coordination with the White House to make sure that we’re giving them the best possible opportunity to succeed in getting Russia to the table.”
Separately, Sen. Jim Risch (R-Idaho), chair of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, called a potential vote on sanctions “a work in progress” Thursday.
Thune and Graham have worked with the White House to smooth over technical issues in the bill, but progress halted last week after Trump spoke to Russian President Vladimir Putin and announced plans for a summit meeting in Hungary.
Those plans have since collapsed, prompting the Treasury Department to sanction Russia’s two largest oil companies Wednesday. Now, advocates for a tougher line against Putin want the Senate to follow up with the Graham-Blumenthal bill, which has more than 80 cosponsors.
“I think it establishes a trajectory for passing our sanctions bill, and there’s no excuse for delay,” Blumenthal said.
Asked if Trump supports the sanctions bill, Thune said as a “general matter, yes,” but added there were things the White House wants incorporated and that “we’re in conversation with them.”
Graham and Blumenthal floated the possibility that other bills could come to the floor, including measures allowing frozen Russian assets to be repurposed for Ukraine’s use and designating Russia as a state sponsor of terrorism. Thune said discussions are underway about votes on those bills.
Minority Leader Chuck Schumer, meanwhile, said off the floor Thursday that the Senate should advance “a strong, tough sanctions bill.”
Calen Razor contributed to this report.
Congress
‘Many families are struggling’
Rep. Lisa McClain of Michigan offered a rare acknowledgment from a GOP leader Tuesday that the U.S. economy might not be in tip-top condition. McClain, the Republican Conference chair, said at a news conference that “even with bigger [tax] refunds, many families are struggling right now, and I get it.”
That’s a departure from the message President Donald Trump sent at a event in Las Vegas last week, where he said “everything’s doing really well” and played down the impact of higher energy prices since he ordered military strikes on Iran.
“But we also owe it to the American people to be honest about how we got here, to make sure we don’t ever go back again,” McClain, the No. 4 party leader added, saying Americans are “digging out of a hole” from former President Joe Biden’s administration.
Congress
Capitol agenda: Trump-Powell clash hijacks Warsh hearing
A bitter spat is set to dominate Kevin Warsh’s confirmation hearing Tuesday morning.
It’s not the economic outlook or bank regulation. The real focus for Senate Banking members vetting Warsh to be the next Federal Reserve chair will be President Donald Trump, his yearslong campaign to oust Jerome Powell and whether his DOJ will drop a Fed probe that threatens to derail Warsh’s confirmation indefinitely.
“The president’s current nominee will be ultimately confirmed,” Sen. John Kennedy said Monday. “In what decade that happens, I’m not sure.”
Sen. Thom Tillis, who is single-handedly holding up Warsh until the DOJ matter is tossed, appears to have no further questions for him. Tillis has said Warsh is a good pick.
“I’m not going to spend much time talking to Kevin,” the retiring North Carolina Republican said Monday. “I’m going to start talking about what a bogus investigation Powell is subject to.”
Warsh plans to be somewhat explicit about where he’d try to insulate himself from Trump’s wishes and where he wouldn’t.
According to prepared testimony, Warsh will say that the Fed should be “strictly independent” when it comes to interest rates. But that deference would not apply in other areas, including bank regulation and the “stewardship of public monies.”
He’ll indirectly downplay Trump’s influence and argue that the Fed’s autonomy is not “particularly threatened” when elected officials weigh in on rates. He’ll also reassure markets that he’s still committed to keeping inflation under control.
Democrats, who are planning to focus on Warsh’s large and somewhat opaque financial holdings, will likely be unmoved. So in the end, it will probably come down to how soon Trump is willing to drop his campaign against Powell and unlock Tillis’ vote.
“We’re still trying to work through it,” Tillis said Monday.
What else we’re watching:
— DHS funding: Senate Budget Chair Lindsey Graham is expected to release the text of a budget resolution that would direct the Judiciary and Homeland Security Committees to draft long-term funding legislation for immigration enforcement.
— Expulsion looms for SCM: The House could expel Rep. Sheila Cherfilus-McCormick as early as Wednesday, after House Ethics meets Tuesday afternoon to decide her punishment for a range of violations.
Victoria Guida, Sam Sutton, Jasper Goodman, Jordain Carney, Meredith Lee Hill and Hailey Fuchs contributed to this report.
Congress
This is how Democrats say Oversight Republicans are trying to squash the Epstein investigation
Members of both parties have for months been hijacking House Oversight Committee business to call votes on subpoenas for high-profile figures in the Jeffrey Epstein investigation — and Democrats say chair James Comer has quietly instituted a new strategy to contain the practice.
The Kentucky Republican’s workaround, they allege, is to hold “roundtables” on various issues within the panel’s jurisdiction rather than hearings. Roundtables are more informal and don’t permit members to offer motions to subpoena witnesses during unrelated committee business, as is allowed during hearings.
Over the past year, some GOP members have joined with Democrats to take advantage of the panel’s subpoena rules. In July, they voted on a surprise motion to release the full Epstein files when top congressional Republicans were dragging their feet. Lawmakers also compelled now-former Attorney General Pam Bondi to testify and were prepared to haul in Commerce Secretary Howard Lutnick, too, before he said he would appear before the committee voluntarily.
This trend is outlined in a new memo prepared by Oversight Democratic staff, obtained by Blue Light News, which claims that by moving to roundtables, Republicans “are avoiding the only forum where Democrats can force votes, demand documents, and hold the majority accountable.”
“We’ve heard from committee members, both Republicans and Democrats, that they are frustrated,” Rep. Robert Garcia, the top Democrat on the committee, said in an interview Monday. “We have important investigative work, and they want to do this right as we are in the middle of this single, largest government cover-up in the modern history of the Congress. And they want to neuter the Oversight Committee. Give me a break.”
A spokesperson for Oversight Republicans, when reached for comment, did not address a question about whether the uptick in roundtables was intended to prevent subpoena votes. The spokesperson said the panel “continues to hold many hearings” and will host a markup on fraud prevention legislation next week.
“Roundtables provide opportunities to have more substantive and direct conversations with ordinary Americans about issues facing communities across the U.S.,” the spokesperson said.
But the members’ subpoena free-for-all over the past nine months has undoubtedly created a complicated political dynamic for Comer. He has become the de facto leader of the congressional Epstein probe, forcing him to balance calls for transparency with the political fallout of Trump’s onetime relationship with the late, convicted sex offender.
Republicans have noticed the connection between the spike in subpoenas and the subsequent increase in roundtables in lieu of hearings.
Rep. Glenn Grothman (R-Wis.), during a March subcommittee roundtable on mental health issues, at one point said, “It’s no secret why we are not doing a formal hearing today. We’d like this hearing to be solely focused on the issue before you, and there is some concern that — both parties are guilty of this — that they make motions in the middle of the hearing and try to bring up unrelated topics.”
Republicans have also gone on subpoena sprees of their own, most notably by forcing the February depositions of Bill and Hillary Clinton.
Rep. Anna Paulina Luna (R-Fla.) suggested she wasn’t happy about the new status quo.
While stopping short of criticizing roundtables directly, she said in an interview, “I am a fan of committees that like to do the motions to subpoena.”
The last full-committee hearing convened by House Oversight was in March, on fraud in Minnesota. At that hearing, Republican Rep. Nancy Mace of South Carolina forced a vote to subpoena Bondi for her handling of the federal Epstein investigation. Five Republicans joined all Democrats present in voting for the subpoena motion, and Bondi’s recent ouster isn’t quelling calls for her to appear before the panel under oath.
Since that time, first lady Melania Trump delivered a public statement denying she was ever victimized by Epstein and urging Congress to hold hearings with true victims — an entreaty that could resonate with Mace and others who are bought into the subpoena exercise, though Comer has indicated he plans on having such hearings.
In the meantime, Oversight subcommittees have held five roundtables this year alone on topics such as artificial intelligence and the Internal Revenue Service. The full committee is scheduled to convene a sixth roundtable Tuesday morning addressing “lawfare against American agriculture.”
That’s compared to the two subcommittee roundtables listed for all of 2025; Comer hosted no full committee roundtables since becoming chair in 2023, the panel’s website shows.
Several Oversight Republicans said in interviews they appreciate the opportunity to examine policy areas without the partisan mudslinging and subpoena distractions that Oversight has become known for this term.
“When you’re really trying to get to the bottom of something, it’s a much more conducive way of doing it,” said Rep. Eric Burlison (R-Mo.).
Rep. Clay Higgins (R-La.) argued during a recent committee hearing on the misuse of federal funds in Minnesota that the subpoena-happy approach taken by his colleagues is undermining the seriousness of the panel’s work.
“Listen to your Uncle Clay, America — you don’t just normally start out with a subpoena introduced as a vote by a member,” Higgins said. “I object to this process that is false and not reflective of the serious investigative work that the Oversight committee performs day in and day out.”
“Very well said,” Comer replied.
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