Congress
Senate GOP passes immigration enforcement bill
Senate Republicans passed their $70 billion immigration enforcement bill Friday, beating back several attempts to rein in the Justice Department’s “Anti-Weaponization Fund.”
Senators voted 52-47 on the bill after roughly 18 hours of amendment votes. In the end, Sen. Lisa Murkowski of Alaska was the only Republican to vote against the bill.
The House left town Thursday rather than stay and pass it before leaving for the weekend. Now it won’t go to President Donald Trump until early next week — pushing the GOP even further past Trump’s self-imposed June 1 deadline.
Friday’s vote followed weeks of stops and starts as Republicans saw momentum on their party-line package get repeatedly derailed because of Trump’s political priorities. First Republicans needed to contend with the administration’s push to get $1 billion in Secret Service funding, part of which could go toward the White House ballroom project.
Then came the Justice Department’s announcement of a $1.8 billion “Anti-Weaponization Fund” critics feared would be used to give payouts to the administration’s allies, including those who stormed the Capitol on Jan. 6, 2021.
In the end, Republicans nixed the ballroom security money from the bill and beat back several attempts to jettison or place guardrails on the fund from Democrats and some of their own members.
“It’s a simple bill,” Senate Majority Leader John Thune said Thursday in defense of the legislation. “It will do nothing more than fund Border Patrol and Immigration and Customs Enforcement for three years … because Democrats have refused to fund the Department of Homeland Security or immigration law enforcement.”
But Democrats hammered Republicans for not including language that would limit or prohibit the “Anti-Weaponization Fund” after acting Attorney General Todd Blanche told House appropriators that the administration wouldn’t go forward with it.
Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer accused Republicans of “taking the great values of America on our 250th year and flushing them down the toilet because you’re afraid of Donald Trump.”
He added, “Are Republicans really going to take Todd Blanche, a known liar, at his word?”
In the end, the marathon vote-a-rama did expose GOP fault lines.
Sen. Jeff Merkley (D-Ore.) offered an amendment that would have inserted language to block the construction of Trump’s 90,000-square-foot ballroom unless Congress authorizes the project. It was rejected by a 53-46 vote, short of the required 60-vote threshold, but not before several Republicans lined up in support: Susan Collins of Maine, Jon Husted of Ohio, Jerry Moran of Kansas, Bill Cassidy of Louisiana and Thom Tillis of North Carolina, as well as Murkowski and fellow Alaskan Dan Sullivan.
Eleven Republicans joined with Tillis in an attempt to advance his amendment that would have redirected the “Anti-Weaponization Fund” toward fraud enforcement at the Justice Department. The amendment fell well short of the 60 votes it would have needed to move forward, since most Democrats opposed it because of how Tillis redirected the funding.
Republicans held the first vote of the day — an effort by Schumer to effectively kill the bill by punting it back to the Judiciary Committee — open for hours as they huddled with their own members, who wanted to get language into the bill to nix the fund.
Cassidy himself spent hours trying to get a vote on an amendment related to the fund at a 50-vote threshold. In the end, he offered — with Sen. Chris Van Hollen (D-Md.) — an amendment that failed to clear a 60-vote hurdle, which would have redirected money to law enforcement officers injured on Jan. 6.
And Sen. Tommy Tuberville of Alabama called out fellow Republicans who voted against advancing an amendment to loop part of the GOP election bill, known as the SAVE America Act, into the bill, saying that “the people of North Carolina, Alaska, Kentucky, and Maine deserve better.”
Republicans ultimately decided to go it alone in funding the immigration enforcement activities within the Department of Homeland Security through the filibuster-skirting budget reconciliation process — after they were unable to get a deal with Democrats linking the money to new guardrails on ICE and Border Patrol after federal agents killed two people in Minneapolis in January.
The bill would provide roughly $38.5 billion for ICE and more than $26 billion for Customs and Border Protection, as well as an additional $5 billion that will be dispersed at the discretion of Homeland Security Secretary Markwayne Mullin.
Among other amendments rejected during the hourslong voting session was a proposal from Sen. Mark Warner (D-Va.) that would effectively bar housing official Bill Pulte from serving as acting director of national intelligence by prohibiting a Senate-confirmed leader of a federal agency or department from serving simultaneously in the DNI role.
Collins, Cassidy and Murkowski voted with Democrats on the proposal, which went down 49-49
“This role was too important to be filled by a part-time, unqualified individual,” Warner said.
Katherine Tully-McManus and Jennifer Scholtes contributed to this report.
The Senate will vote this week on a House-passed bill to restrict the ability of members of Congress and their families to buy and sell stocks, according to two people granted anonymity to disclose unannounced scheduling.
The vote is likely to take place Wednesday, the people said, pending GOP leaders setting up the plans on the Senate floor.
The stock-trading bill passed the House earlier this year in a 232-198 vote, with only 13 Democrats in favor. Most House Democrats opposed the bill because it would not require members to sell stocks they already own and because they viewed included voter ID language as a “poison pill.”
It will need 60 votes to advance in the Senate, meaning at least seven Democrats would need to support it.
Senate Republicans had been discussing bringing up the bill as one of their final items before leaving Washington until after the midterms — something that could happen as soon as Wednesday.
It’s one of two bills Republicans are expected to tee up this week that is being led by a Republican in a tight reelection race. Sen. Pete Ricketts (R-Neb.) helped roll out the stock trading bill. The included voter ID language has been championed by Sen. Jon Husted (R-Ohio), who is also behind the data center costs bill Republicans also plan to put on the floor this week.
The Senate is — finally — on the verge of making a great escape.
After last week’s decision to stick around and try to make headway on a number of GOP priorities, Senate Republicans could leave town as soon as Wednesday, according to several senators and aides.
A long-sought permitting vote isn’t happening (more on that below), so John Thune’s pre-election to-do list is relatively light.
It starts with final passage of the bipartisan bill overhauling the college sports industry, which is expected Monday night. But the idea that a sports bill could be the last item of Senate business before Election Day has some optics-minded GOP senators grumbling.
“People are worried about the cost of living, I don’t know how else to say it,” said an increasingly vocal Sen. John Kennedy. “We just haven’t addressed it.”
Enter the GOP’s two-for-one special: They’re bringing up a House-passed bill — the Ratepayer Protection Act — aimed at curbing data-center-driven utility cost hikes. They hope the vote will divide Democrats on a hot-button issue and give endangered Sen. Jon Husted something to tout back home in Ohio.
Thune is expected to tee up the bill Monday night for a vote Wednesday. A Schumer spokesperson said over the weekend the bill “falls short” and said Democrats would seek a “stronger standard.”
Blocking a data-center bill wouldn’t make for great headlines for Democrats. On the other hand, they’re in no mood to do favors for Husted, who is facing ex-Sen. Sherrod Brown on Nov. 3.
Also on the agenda: Republicans are discussing votes on measures from Husted and Sen. Pete Ricketts, who is in his own competitive race in Nebraska, to roll back California’s stricter standards for vehicle emissions.
They’re also likely to vote on a House-passed bill to curb lawmaker stock trading. The stock trading bill is being led by Ricketts, and it includes voter ID requirements that have been championed by Husted.
And while Sen. Kevin Cramer removed his hold on one more nominee — Chris Klomp for deputy health secretary — the Senate isn’t expected to vote on that nomination this week.
Cramer is maintaining his broader nominee blockade over Fish and Wildlife regulations — meaning Labor secretary nominee Keith Sonderling and other picks are likely to wait until November.
What else we’re watching:
— THE SENATE’S HOMELAND ROADBLOCK — Sen. Rand Paul has become nearly impossible to get around on everything from cybersecurity to immigration legislation. The Homeland Security chair’s refusal to move forward on several legislative fronts means his colleagues will have to wait until at least January to try to advance their priorities when a new Congress convenes and Paul potentially moves to Senate HELP.
— COLLINS DECRIES POCKET RESCISSIONS — Top Republican appropriator and battleground Sen. Susan Collins Friday night blasted President Donald Trump‘s move to unilaterally cancel funding Congress enacted. Collins pledged to work with other lawmakers “to address these illegal actions.” The president declared canceled nearly $1 billion in a budget maneuver called a “pocket rescission.” The move will almost certainly set up an ugly government funding battle after the midterms, as top Democratic appropriators are also already calling on their GOP colleagues to reject the effort to circumvent Congress.
Eric Bazail-Eimil, Maggie Miller, Jennifer Scholtes and Katherine Tully-McManus contributed to this report.
ALBANY, New York — President Donald Trump’s long-term bromance with New York City Mayor Zohran Mamdani has scrambled Republicans’ collective effort to make the democratic socialist the boogeyman of the midterm elections.
GOP candidates across the country have sought to tie their opponents to the 34-year-old mayor, his anti-Israel views and his brand of socialism — a bet that American voters will reject the Democratic Party’s leftward tilt.
The effort began in earnest last year when the House Republicans’ campaign arm wasted little time launching ads in 49 swing seats nationwide, tying the then-mayor elect to Democratic candidates and warning that a “radical-left earthquake just hit America.” In the race for a hotly contested suburban New York City district held by Rep. Mike Lawler, a House GOP super PAC launched an ad linking his Democratic challenger Cait Conley to the mayor. On Long Island, Republican Mike LiPetri has slammed Mamdani’s “socialist wish list.”
Such attacks are significantly harder to make after Trump, who retains tremendous sway over the Republican base, stood beside Mamdani at Gracie Mansion on Monday and said the mayor has “great potential” and that he’s rooting for his success. The plaudits from the president could not have come at a worse time for a GOP struggling to maintain control of Congress.
“Mamdani is one of the most popular politicians on planet earth right now,” said Chapin Fay, a GOP operative working for a super PAC allied with New York Republican gubernatorial candidate Bruce Blakeman. “Everything that comes out of his mouth I stand against, but he’s good looking, he knows how to operate the media, he’s an incredibly dangerous threat. But you need a good villain to run against in politics, and he’s just not a good villain.”
Still, Republicans aren’t making adjustments. GOP campaigns don’t necessarily expect voters to be turned off by Mamdani specifically, but by a broader concern over the perception that the far left is surging after a string of primary victories by candidates backed by the Democratic Socialists of America. Running against a rising socialist tide is viewed as much easier than competing against the New York City mayor himself.
“That dynamic hasn’t changed,” said one New York Republican operative who was granted anonymity to discuss strategy. “It’s still a very salient issue in the New York City suburbs.”
In a statement, a White House spokesperson touted Trump’s economic record, including tax cuts and addressing prescription drug costs.
“The President’s top priority is always improving the lives of Americans everywhere,” White House spokesperson Allison Schuster said.
The jarring union between two deeply polarizing politicians is an unwelcome splitscreen for Republicans in tough races trying to yoke their moderate opponents to Mamdani’s hard-left image. And their bond has effectively neutralized what could have been a potent weapon for Republicans in a midterm election that increasingly appears dire for the GOP. Polls are showing tightening races in deep red states, while swing seat Republicans need every bit of political ammunition they can muster to counter Democratic attacks over affordability.
The conundrum is particularly complicated for Republicans in deep blue New York, home to several swing districts where the upcoming electoral outcomes stand to determine which party controls the House and the direction of the president’s final two years in office.
It’s an especially thorny challenge for Blakeman, who’s running an uphill campaign against Democratic Gov. Kathy Hochul and has tried to paint the incumbent as a Mamdani fellow traveler. Blakeman’s campaign has released artificial intelligence-generated videos of Blakeman and Mamdani walking side by side, accusing them both of enabling New York City’s destruction. He’s admonished the governor for helping bolster the city’s finances — enabling the mayor’s agenda as a result.
Losing Mamdani as an effective foil, GOP strategists warn, undermines Blakeman’s ability to make that argument against the Democratic governor, who’s leading in the polls.
“It’s very bad for him,” said a Republican operative granted anonymity to speak frankly about the dynamic. “He’s supposed to be the Trump guy and here’s Trump praising Mamdani as a guy with a lot of potential. It seems to have really shocked people all over the state. It really deflates his entire campaign basis.”
Blakeman shrugged off the Gracie Mansion lovefest, insisting to reporters a day later that it had no impact on the race — or his effort to paint Hochul as a far-left radical aligned with the mayor.
“The president is a government official. He’s the highest government official in the United States,” Blakeman said. “And the mayor’s a government official, so I expect that the two of them would talk.”
It’s not the first time a Trump-Mamdani sitdown sapped a Republican’s effort to inject the New York City mayor into their campaign. Rep. Elise Stefanik’s short-lived gubernatorial campaign was short-circuited in part by the lovefest, when the president declined to repeat her claim that Mamdani is “a jihadist.”
For many of those who’ve been in Trump’s orbit, the relationship is a broad reminder that the president continues to harbor a fixation with his hometown where for decades he was a larger-than-life real estate developer.
“One thing you can always count on is that Donald Trump, in spite of everything, loves New York City,” said Michael Caputo, a former Trump administration official and Republican strategist. “I don’t think he’d ever give up on [New York City]. If that makes it a little difficult for some people in their races, I’m sorry, but that was baked into this presidency 50 years ago.”
Trump, who had toyed with running for mayor and governor during his days as a Manhattan developer, has tried to influence New York City’s fate throughout much of his life. He endorsed Mamdani’s main foe in last year’s mayoral election, Andrew Cuomo, warning voters in the financial capital of the world to not elect a socialist. His administration tried unsuccessfully to halt a Manhattan toll plan meant to reduce traffic. And the federal government’s push to redevelop the catacomb-like Penn Station may end up with the president’s name on it.
His meetings with Mamdani have reflected back that intense interest in the five boroughs.
The Trump-Mamdani rapport was forged months ago during their first Oval Office meeting in November. There, the president and the incoming Gotham mayor posed in front of Franklin Roosevelt’s portrait. At their second meeting in February, Mamdani gifted Trump a fake tabloid front page with the headline “Trump to City: Let’s Build” and discussed how to change New York City’s byzantine zoning laws to enable development.
During their most recent meeting the two men discussed building thousands of housing units on top of a Queens rail yard.
“He may not be one of the city’s most popular residents, but he’s never going to quit on New York City,” Caputo said. “It’s never going to matter who the mayor is.”
For similar reasons Mamdani has faced little political downside from the solicitous meetings with a president who most Democrats view with toxicity. The mayor entered office with scant executive experience and has been under pressure to prove he can govern. Trump’s federal government can provide money to help deliver wins for him in City Hall. Much like the president, Mamdani maintains support from an enthusiastic base.
“There’s no danger — his base gives him a complete pass for this,” Democratic strategist Trip Yang said. “There’s no progressive organization that would criticize Mamdani for this. He’s been able to demonstrate some early progress and some potential with Trump.”
Interest has already started to wane in leveraging Mamdani as a villain in Republican campaigns. For suburban New York City voters concerned about public safety and antisemitism, the mayor remains a divisive figure. While a recent Siena Research Institute poll found he has a 60% favorable rating in New York City, only 43% of voters in the suburbs feel the same way.
And some Republicans believe the meetings with Mamdani may have the effect of sanding down some of Trump’s rougher edges — weakening Democratic efforts to demonize the president in the process.
“It works both ways,” former GOP Rep. John Sweeney said. “If one guy is a boogeyman, the other guy is a boogeyman on the other side.”
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