Two House Republicans say they will oppose Speaker Mike Johnson’s plan to pass a “clean” stopgap spending bill this week that would punt a possible government shutdown into November, threatening GOP leaders’ plan to jam Senate Democrats ahead of the Sept. 30 funding deadline.

Rep. Thomas Massie (R-Ky.), who regularly opposes leadership-backed spending bills, said in a brief interview Monday he would oppose the new expected continuing resolution as well.

“I am a No unless it cuts spending, which I do not anticipate,” he said.

Rep. Victoria Spartz (R-Ind.) said in an X post Sunday night that she was also a “no,” saying she could not “cannot support [a CR] that ends funding right before a major holiday to jam us with an Omnibus.” The Johnson-backed measure is expected to expire on the Friday before Thanksgiving.

Two “no” votes would put House Republicans at risk of losing a party-line vote if one additional GOP member breaks ranks. Spartz, it should be noted, has a long history of delivering ultimatums only to change her mind before under pressure from the White House.

Leaders are aiming to unveil text as soon as Monday, though they still need to work out final details of adding enhanced member security funding following the killing of conservative activist Charlie Kirk. Two people granted anonymity to candidly describe the private talks said it could end up on a separate package of several full-year funding bills.

Other Republicans, meanwhile, are airing their displeasure with Johnson’s strategy — even though a similar play was credited with forcing a Democratic surrender back in March, the last time lawmakers dealt with a shutdown deadline.

Rep. Marjorie Taylor Greene (R-Ga.) posted Monday that another CR would continue funding levels established under former President Joe Biden, referring to it as “Biden’s budget that FUNDS TRANSGENDER POLICIES, NOT our own Trump policy budget that funds what you voted for.”

She also criticized Johnson for holding “zero meetings” about the stopgap plan and continuing a “charade” of an appropriations process. But she did not say explicitly that she would oppose it.

Republicans are getting ready to reveal a short-term bill to fund the government through Nov. 20, despite Democrats’ demands for buy-in in any legislation to avert a shutdown.

Text of the continuing resolution is expected to be released as early as Monday morning, according to three Republicans. Here’s the latest:

The timeline: House Republicans want to put the CR on the floor this week. That still likely won’t give the Senate enough time to schedule a vote before next week’s recess in observance of Rosh Hashanah, however, leaving Congress with just days left to act before the Sept. 30 deadline.

The holdup: House Republican leaders are working to attach increased lawmaker security funding to the stopgap bill in the wake of Charlie Kirk’s assassination. Speaker Mike Johnson told Fox on Sunday morning that all options are on the table, and three people tell Meredith it’s the final piece to resolve. Sen. Lindsey Graham (R-S.C.) has also been doing some last-minute lobbying for his bipartisan Russia sanctions bill to hitch a ride on the CR. But two people granted anonymity to discuss the views of GOP leadership say it’s not going in without President Donald Trump’s explicit and public backing.

The big problem: Democrats in both chambers insist they will not accept any funding agreement without bipartisan talks, and Republicans are going it alone. They also say they need the CR to include an extension of enhanced tax credits for Affordable Care Act insurance premiums, which are due to expire at the end of the year. Republicans are still figuring out how to proceed on that one.

A key question is how Democrats will vote in the Senate, where Republicans won’t be able to move government funding legislation without support across the aisle. Many Republicans are banking on a do-over of what happened in March, when Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer shored up support for a procedural vote on a shutdown-averting package negotiated only among the GOP.

But Schumer got an earful from his party’s base about not fighting harder for a better deal, and he’s currently warning his GOP colleagues that a CR without the ACA credit extension is a deal-breaker.

“If Republicans follow Donald Trump’s orders to not even bother dealing with Democrats they will be single handedly putting our country on the path toward a shutdown,” said a Schumer spokesperson Sunday night.

Some Senate Democrats have suggested they could support a “clean” stopgap funding bill now if it’s intended to buy more time toward negotiating an ACA subsidies extension later. But many of them are holding back on opining without first knowing what Republicans are officially offering.

“I’m not going to comment until I see what actually happens. It’s all speculation right now,” Sen. Gary Peters (D-Mich.) told Blue Light News.

What else we’re watching:   

— Senate rules change: This week Majority Leader John Thune will steer Senate Republicans toward finalizing their rules change to allow most executive branch nominees to be confirmed in batches. It will put Republicans on track to confirm their first tranche of 48 nominees including Kimberly Guilfoyle and Callista Gingrich to be ambassadors to Greece and Switzerland, respectively.

— DC bills get House vote: It’s shaping up to be a major week for the District of Columbia on Capitol Hill. A slate of bills will come to the House floor that would override laws put in place by the D.C. government, and the capital city’s top three leaders will appear before a key committee. This comes after Trump’s month-long federal takeover of D.C.’s police department and as the National Guard continues to patrol the city’s streets. Republicans remain intent on casting Washington as an example of a Democratic-led jurisdiction overrun by violent crime.

— Miran confirmation: The Senate is poised to confirm Stephen Miran Monday evening to the Federal Reserve, just around a month after the Trump ally was first nominated. The chamber has moved at blinding speed to install Miran so he can be in seat when the Fed kicks off its September meeting Tuesday, at which time the central bank is widely expected to cut interest rates.

Meredith Lee Hill, Jordain Carney and Hailey Fuchs contributed to this report. 

Among all the troublemaking members House Republican leaders have to deal with, Rep. Jen Kiggans isn’t on their list of problem children. That might be changing.

A former Navy helicopter pilot, nurse practitioner and mother of four, the 54-year-old Virginian is seen in the Republican Conference as something of a model member, hailing from one of the toughest swing districts in the country. She is viewed by her peers as personable and a team player. Of all the places Mike Johnson might have gone on the eve of the 2024 elections, the speaker chose to spend time with Kiggans — a strong show of leadership support for a freshman.

But Kiggans, now in her second term, has decided to stick her neck out on what’s shaping up to be one of the most politically explosive policy fights of the fall: the battle over extending boosted Affordable Care Act insurance subsidies that are due to expire on Dec. 31. Congressional budget forecasters are predicting major premium hikes if the subsidies sunset, which would force millions of people to drop health insurance coverage.

Twelve Republicans and seven Democrats are backing legislation that would enact a one-year extension of the subsidies, which are implemented in the form of enhanced tax credits. Kiggans is the lead sponsor and the GOP face of the effort.

In an interview, she called an extension good politics — and good for her constituents.

“In six weeks or so, people will get a notice that their health care premiums are going to go up by thousands of dollars,” said Kiggans. “And at the end of the year … for people that either have this type of insurance and work in small businesses, are self-employed, you know, I worry about their access to health care.”

The latest Capitol Hill clash over preserving health care policies enacted by Democrats, however, is shaping up to be a central battle in government funding negotiations ahead of a Sept. 30 shutdown deadline — and driving a rift inside the GOP in ways that echo party infighting over scaling back Medicaid in President Donald Trump’s “big, beautiful bill.” The dispute is also now pitting centrists like Kiggans against conservatives who have fought for years to undo the Affordable Care Act. And it carries major political stakes for Republicans as they gear up for their fight to keep control of the House next year.

The Democrats’ 2010 health law first provided for tax credits to help make premiums more affordable under the new insurance plans. But the 2021 Covid relief package supercharged those credits, making them more generous for people with lower incomes but also accessible to individuals making up to $600,000 a year. It’s that “enhanced” version of the credits that will expire at the end of the 2025 without congressional action.

One senior House Republican, granted anonymity to share their private view of Kiggans’ support for the subsidies, suggested she’ll be given latitude by her colleagues and leadership to follow her instincts on the credits’ fate: “Kiggans does her homework, and she understands her base or constituency and what needs to be done.”

Still, she’s finding herself caught in the middle of warring factions that could test the positive relationships she’s built during her short time in office, while also putting her political future at risk.

She’s going up against a swath of hard-liners who in the coming days plan to ramp up their coordinated campaign against any extension, in part by arguing that the subsidies are used to cover abortions. Conservatives also say the tax credits are too expensive, and they are generally loath to support any policy tied to the Affordable Care Act.

Rep. Eric Burlison (R-Mo.), a member of the House Freedom Caucus, said in an interview Thursday it would be “awful” if Johnson capitulates to demands from moderates like Kiggans to extend the enhanced ACA credits. Rep. Andy Harris (R-Md.), chair of the hard-line contingent, called the subsidies “free giveaways to insurance companies.”

Mindful of the intraparty fissures around this issue, Johnson has so far been careful not to say whether he endorses an extension, and certainly isn’t tying it to a government funding package needed to avert a shutdown before Oct. 1. Republicans who support Kiggans’ crusade privately believe their best bet for victory is securing the extension in a second funding measure at the end of the year, but Democrats are making this linkage a condition of their support for the immediate stopgap spending measure.

“There’s a range of opinion on it,” Johnson said in a brief interview earlier this month. “It doesn’t expire until the end of the year, so we have time to figure it out.”

Kiggans has a track record of breaking with her party on some big issues but not tanking legislation to gain leverage. For instance, she was among the most vocal critics of the GOP megabill’s targeting of clean energy tax credits that are benefitting her district, but she still voted for the new law. She said this past week she didn’t plan to shut down the government to get her way on the ACA tax credits, either.

“I represent a big military district,” she explained, “and people who rely on those federal paychecks.”

But Democrats, who see Kiggans’ seat as a prime pick-up opportunity in 2026, accuse her of being duplicitous.

“Jen Kiggans cast a decisive vote to rip away health care from 350,000 Virginians, and just this week three health care clinics in the Commonwealth were forced to shutter as a direct result of her vote,” said Eli Cousin, a spokesperson for the Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee, in a statement that referred to Kiggans’ vote for the GOP megabill.

“Kiggans wants to trick voters before she is up for reelection, then sell them out right after,” Cousin added. “She is everything wrong with Washington politicians.”

Kiggans is working to thread the needle. She said she agrees with fellow Republicans that the credits are expensive and need to expire eventually. But she also made the case that her party needs to create “a longer runway” to discuss how to soften the blow of phasing out the enhanced credits completely.

“It’s time to end these tax credits, but when it comes to health care, it’s not quite as easy as letting them expire, especially when it’s something at the end of the calendar year,” Kiggans said. “And I’m not alone. There’s people on both sides of the aisle that feel the same way. And these are common-sense members of Congress that care about health care.”

Democratic co-sponsors of her bill include Reps. Jared Golden of Maine and Marie Gluesenkamp Perez of Washington, the co-chairs of the fiscally conservative Blue Dog Coalition. Among the Republican supporters are Reps. David Valadao of California, Juan Ciscomani of Arizona and Mike Lawler of New York — some of the most endangered incumbents of the election cycle.

But senior House Republicans have questioned the strategy Kiggans and her group is pursuing, according to three people granted anonymity to speak candidly about private conversations. These Republicans are, in particular, critical of the rollout of her bill, which did not include any of the reforms Kiggans acknowledged are needed to the larger program.

This “clean” extension, many in the GOP feel, could put Republicans in a tough spot, including Kiggans’ fellow frontliners who have not signed onto her effort.

“Full credits with high wage earners is too far for most Republicans,” said one of the senior House GOP Republicans, referring to how Kiggans’ bill would fully extend the premium tax credit for one year rather than to put new income limits on an extension, as some Republicans have suggested doing.

Some vulnerable GOP incumbents who haven’t yet signed onto Kiggans’ bill also acknowledged an income cap and other reforms will likely be part of any compromise.

“We want to make sure that affordability is maintained as best as possible for people,” Rep. Ryan Mackenzie (R-Pa.) said in an interview, while adding, “I know there are some concerns that some have expressed about high-income individuals being eligible.”

Kiggans said the value of her one-year extension bill is that it would, indeed, force a discussion about how to either continue the subsidies responsibly or wind them down in a thoughtful way. She advocated for a scenario where members could come to the table and hash out a long-term solution, recalling the consensus-building exercise that took place around making changes to Medicaid as part of the megabill.

“That took a lot of meetings, a lot of late nights, a lot of discussions with people who happen to have skin in the game,” said Kiggans.

There are plenty of Republicans who believe Kiggans should stay the course and leadership should follow, warning an expiration of the premium tax credits could cost the GOP dearly in the midterms.

A July poll by veteran GOP pollster Tony Fabrizio found that Republicans have an “opportunity to overcome a current generic ballot deficit” in 2026 if they allow an extension. Letting them expire, according to that same survey, would cause an expected three-point deficit for a generic Republican to plunge to 15.

Rep. Richard Hudson of North Carolina, the chair of the National Republican Congressional Committee, said that “everybody’s voice is being heard” on whether to extend the ACA subsidies.

“I think we’re having internal discussions now about, kind of, where we are as a conference and what’s feasible and what’s not feasible,” Hudson said in a brief interview last week. “I’ll wait and see how that develops before I say anything publicly.”

Kiggans insisted her party can’t afford to wait.

“Republicans need to lead on this issue,” she said. “And we can.”

Cassandra Dumay and Mia McCarthy contributed to this report.