Congress

Republicans quickly coalesce behind Epstein bill after Trump backs it

Published

10 months ago

November 17, 2025

Capitol Hill Republicans are rapidly falling in line behind a bill that would force the disclosure of Justice Department files concerning Jeffrey Epstein after President Donald Trump signaled Monday he would sign it.

Two prominent House committee chairs said they planned to support the bill compelling the release of materials related to the late convicted sex offender, and GOP leaders are exploring whether to advance the measure under special fast-track rules later this week.

Meanwhile, Trump’s sudden support for the measure — after a monthslong campaign to kill it — has transformed its prospects in the Senate, where it was long assumed Republicans would simply bottle it up. Now a growing number of GOP senators are open to giving the bill a vote, and some are wondering whether it might simply be sent to Trump’s desk by unanimous consent.

It’s a remarkable reversal of fortune for the effort to disgorge the “Epstein files,” prompted by a successful bipartisan effort to circumvent Speaker Mike Johnson and force the legislation to the floor.

Recognizing that House approval of the legislation was all but certain, Trump abandoned his efforts to derail the bill in a social media post Sunday night. Asked in the Oval Office on Monday if he would sign it, Trump said, “Sure I would.”

Some of his closest allies in the House said Monday they were ready to follow the president’s lead.

House Judiciary Chair Jim Jordan (R-Ohio) said in an interview Monday afternoon he will vote for the Epstein bill.

“I think everyone will vote for it,” Jordan said, adding he agreed with Trump that Republicans need “to get this ridiculous thing past us.”

Asked if he expected any changes to the bill authored by Rep. Thomas Massie (R-Ky.) before it gets a floor vote, Jordan replied: “No.”

House Oversight Chair James Comer (R-Ky.), whose panel has released thousands of Epstein emails that have heightened scrutiny of Trump’s dealings with the disgraced financier, also said he would vote for the bill. He, too, suggested the vote would not be close.

“I mean, I think everybody’s gonna vote for it,” Comer said in an interview.

“It’s just a show vote, you know? I mean, we’re the ones that have already gotten all the new information from the estate,” he said, touting his own panel’s probe into the matter.

Comer also questioned the practical impact of the legislation: “I think the Department of Justice has turned over what they’re legally allowed to turn over.”

Trump suggested as much in his Sunday night post telling lawmakers to support the bill, with many Republicans skeptical about how much new information the department would release if the bill passes.

GOP leaders have tentatively planned to advance the Epstein bill by first adopting a procedural measure in the Rules Committee Monday night that would incorporate a separate procedural measure from Massie and Rep. Ro Khanna (D-Calif.). If adopted early Tuesday afternoon, the House would immediately proceed to debate and a final vote on the Epstein bill. But GOP leaders have pushed back that vote timing.

House Republican leaders also discussed the option Monday to put the bill up for a vote Tuesday or Wednesday under so-called suspension of the rules, a fast-track procedure requiring a two-thirds majority vote for passage. No final decision has been made, though, according to three people granted anonymity to describe private leadership deliberations.

Senate Majority Leader John Thune isn’t currently expected to weigh in on whether he will bring up the Epstein measure until after it passes the House, according to a person granted anonymity to disclose internal strategy.

But Trump’s support for passing the Epstein files resolution has changed the dynamic inside the Senate GOP, where top Republicans have previously downplayed the chances of the chamber acting on the House bill, according to two other people granted anonymity to comment on the sensitive matter.

A growing number of GOP senators are open to giving the resolution a vote — pointing to both Trump’s comments and interest from their own constituents in seeing Congress take action on Epstein.

“I don’t have any problems with data coming out. So lots of people ran on this issue in the last election, so I don’t have any problems with us voting on it,” Sen. John Boozman (R-Ark.) told reporters Monday.

Senate Republicans will not return to Washington until Tuesday evening, when they are expected to discuss next steps. The only way for the resolution to pass the Senate this week would be with buy-in from every senator to either speed up a vote or skip one altogether with a vote by unanimous consent, which would let it clear the chamber without a roll call vote.

Congressional passage — and a Trump signature — would not be the end of the Epstein saga on Capitol Hill, however.

Jordan said he plans to have Attorney General Pam Bondi back before his panel for a rescheduled oversight hearing “as soon as possible.” Questions about the Epstein case are sure to take center stage in any hearing, as they did when Bondi recently appeared before the Senate Judiciary Committee.

Lawmakers are also bracing for the possibility that Trump might pardon Epstein’s convicted accomplice Ghislaine Maxwell, a possibility Trump has repeatedly declined to rule out .

Comer responded sharply when asked if he’d support a pardon for Maxwell: “No, I do not,” he said. “I’ve already said that.”

Congress

House Democrats watch closely as Hakeem Jeffries vows to rein in rogue members

Published

2 hours ago

September 2, 2026

Blue Light Newsroom

Democrats have spent the better part of two years looking on in glee as House Republicans have struggled to wrangle their narrow majority and enact a consensus agenda.

Now, eyeing a potentially small majority of their own, they are eager not to see the shoe quickly land on the other foot — which is why Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries is under fierce internal pressure to crack down on a surprise rebellion this week.

The decision by Rep. Marie Gluesenkamp Perez (D-Wash.) and Jared Golden (D-Maine) to support a Republican procedural measure that would have otherwise failed — essentially bailing out Speaker Mike Johnson’s floor agenda — prompted Jeffries and fellow Democratic leaders to decry a “breach of trust” and promise a “serious response.”

Rank-and-file members are watching closely to see if Jeffries follows through on those threats and moves to rein in rogue members who could undermine the party agenda and his own leadership.

“If there’s no understanding that we need to stay together on procedural measures, then we’re going to be like Republicans,” said Rep. Jim McGovern of Massachusetts, the top Rules Committee Democrat and a Jeffries ally. “I mean, they can’t get anything done because everybody’s going off in different directions.”

Many Democrats are hoping Jeffries will set an assertive tone and send a message that some protest tactics will not be tolerated in a future majority. The situation is of particular interest to members given the slate of insurgent hard-left members poised to join the caucus next term — some of whom have openly discussed adopting strategies embraced by the hard right.

“It’s an open secret — we don’t want to end up with our own Freedom Caucus,” one House Democrat granted anonymity to speak candidly said in an interview, referring to the fractious ultraconservative group. “You see how a core group of people can stop the workings here … when it’s continual and it’s just about grandstanding. … We don’t want that.”

“I’m not saying that those folks coming in are going to operate in that way,” the member added. “We don’t know. But we’ve got to tighten up the systems.”

Already, House Democrats have competing views about how and when to punish the rogue members. Multiple members, for example, have privately suggested kicking Gluesenkamp Perez off of the Appropriations Committee — a highly coveted assignment.

Gluesenkamp Perez represents a district President Donald Trump won in 2024.

But others acknowledge that leaders have little leverage against the duo. Golden is leaving the House at the end of this term, and Gluesenkamp Perez is one of the most vulnerable Democrats in the country.

Keeping her seat in a district President Donald Trump won by 3 percentage points in 2024 could determine the outcome of the midterm elections, and she has made her clashes with party leaders a core part of her political identity.

Some members — including progressives who used procedural votes for leverage during Nancy Pelosi’s speakership — also cautioned leadership from overpolicing members.

Asked about how Jeffries should “punish” the members, Rep. Pramila Jayapal (D-Wash.), a former chair of the Progressive Caucus, said, “We’re not kids, and he’s not our dad.”

“I’m elected by 750,000 people. I get to make my decisions about what I want,” Jayapal said before adding, “At the same time, I think there has to be a strong commitment to the team.”

“I think that there can be certain reasonable expectations — for example, to flag how one may intend to vote on something,” Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez (D-N.Y.) said. “I also think that the idea that there will be consequences depending on how that is laid out could create a slippery slope.”

Both of the rebels are shrugging off the intense reaction from Democratic leaders and some of their colleagues. Golden said he voted with Republicans to advance a bill he cosponsored benefiting lobstermen in Maine; Gluesenkamp Perez said she voted to support Golden and “people who make their livelihoods and heritage on the water.”

“I do not have a polished political strategy,” she told reporters Wednesday. “I know my community, and that’s who sent me here, and that’s who I am thinking about.”

Many of their Democratic colleagues aren’t ready to just let it go, however. Several argued in interviews that if every member broke ranks on procedural votes to advance legislation they support, the party would lose significant leverage.

Golden, left, is retiring after his term ends.

“I am generally of the view that if you believe that you are a free agent in this town, maybe you don’t get to use the team locker room anymore,” Rep. Sean Casten (D-Ill.) said, adding that he could not think of a potential punishment “within the scope of what leadership can do that could be opposed by the caucus.”

Rep. Greg Landsman (D-Ohio) said “some tough love“ might be necessary to send a message to the broader caucus: “We’re all in this together.”

Amid the agita, it’s not clear how quickly Jeffries will act. An internal committee dealing with caucus rules met Wednesday and discussed the matter but did not advance any specific proposals for sanctions or rules changes.

Jeffries himself has not committed to a timeline for imposing consequences against the two defectors. He told reporters Wednesday he wants to pursue action “sooner rather than later” as he faces internal questions about whether he can exert the same level of control over Democrats as his predecessor did.

Pelosi dealt with rebellions of her own, including moderates who repeatedly voted with Republicans to amend Democratic bills on the floor. But she pointedly commented on the disloyalty on display this week, with Golden and Gluesenkamp Perez essentially voting to advance the GOP floor agenda.

“We didn’t even consider that anybody would do that,” she said Tuesday. “We never had that problem, so I’m disappointed that they did that.”

Another lawmaker who was happy to comment Wednesday was Johnson, who has routinely contended with GOP mutinies during his time in office — including one that Gluesenkamp Perez and Golden bailed him out of Tuesday.

Jeffries “has a serious problem in his caucus,” he told reporters, citing the “warring factions in his party.”

“I don’t see a way out of that thicket,” he said. “But I’m not going to tell him how to govern his conference, and he doesn’t, or shouldn’t, be telling me how to.”

Congress

Tillis renews calls for Hegseth’s ouster

Published

7 hours ago

September 2, 2026

Blue Light Newsroom

Sen. Thom Tillis renewed his call for President Donald Trump to fire Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth on Wednesday, following the resignation earlier this week of Army Secretary Dan Driscoll.

“I have never witnessed more inept management of the brave men and women who serve our country,” the outgoing two-term North Carolina Republican wrote on X. “He is intimidated by competence and retreats to ginning up culture wars instead of soberly attending to the vital work of our national defense and the health and well-being of our fighting force.”

Driscoll, whose long-rumored resignation became official this week, had clashed with Hegseth over the Defense secretary’s reluctance to modernize the Army and his firings of dozens of senior officers. Hegseth has focused more on cultural issues — including grooming and fitness standards — within the department.

“If we had a @SecWar who maintained the same priorities and forward-thinking, he would be fighting to retain talented leaders like Dan and the many flag officers he has forced into retirement,” Tillis charged. “Instead, he is creating a leadership void at the top of our military ranks.”

The White House and Pentagon did not respond to requests for comment on Tillis’ post.

Tillis, who is not running for reelection in November, has openly clashed with Hegseth since Trump tapped the former Fox News host to lead the Pentagon in 2024.

In May, Tillis told POLITICO he believed Hegseth had misinformed Trump on the dynamics of a war in Iran. Firing Hegseth, he said, was on “a Christmas wish list.” In a book set to be released next month, Tillis branded Hegseth — along with a handful of other White House officials — as “MAGATS” and accused them of “not looking around corners and taking care of this president.”

It hasn’t earned him friends in the administration.

“The media said how brave he was to take me on, but he wasn’t brave, he was just the opposite – HE WAS A QUITTER!” Trump wrote on Truth Social in May. “Now he can have all the fun he wants for a few months, with some of his RINO friends, screwing the Republican Party. In the end it will only get bigger, and better, and stronger, than ever before!”

Congress

No immediate plans to punish rogue House Democrats for bailing out GOP

Published

8 hours ago

September 2, 2026

Blue Light Newsroom

Despite a stern message from party leaders, a panel of House Democrats did not settle on any particular consequences for the pair of lawmakers who crossed party lines Tuesday to advance an otherwise troubled slate of Republican-led bills.

Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries and fellow leaders said the matter would be reviewed by the Democratic Committee on Caucus Rules, which convened Wednesday morning for a prescheduled listening session.

Attendees discussed possible changes to the rules that govern House Democrats’ conduct for next term. Rep. Mike Levin (D-Calif.), the panel’s chair, suggested to reporters that discussion included what should happen if members vote with Republicans on procedural measures like the one Reps. Jared Golden (D-Maine) and Marie Gluesenkamp Perez (D-Wash.) supported Tuesday.

“There’s been a variety of suggestions to change our rules, not just regarding the last couple days, but several suggestions that have been percolating for some time,” Levin said, while adding that any changes would happen only “in the next couple of months.”

The lack of urgency stands in contrast to the stern statement Jeffries and fellow leaders made Tuesday about the rogue members’ “breach of trust” — not to mention the rage some rank-and-file House Democrats are expressing. Some have floated removing the pair from their committees — particularly Gluesenkamp Perez’ seat on the exclusive Appropriations panel.

“Somebody else who is willing to think about other people needs to be on that seat, that exclusive committee,” said one House Democrat granted anonymity to speak candidly.

Jeffries, who was not present at the meeting, also seemed to have a speedier timeline for responding to Gluesenkamp Perez and Golden. He told reporters after the meeting wrapped that he was waiting on feedback from Levin and that the caucus would have conversations “amongst the family about the best way to move forward.”

Asked about his timeline for action against the pair, Jeffries said, “Sooner rather than later.”