Congress
Republicans are ignoring Trump and holding out hope for a second megabill
President Donald Trump sent a clear message to congressional Republicans this month that there’s no need to pass another party-line megabill this year. Many, however, aren’t ready to give up yet.
Trump’s comments in a Fox Business Network interview earlier this month appeared to finally settle a long-running GOP debate over whether to pursue a follow-up to the “big, beautiful bill” enacted in July, saying “we’ve gotten everything passed that we need.”
But some lawmakers are insisting that the filibuster-skirting budget reconciliation process offers an unmissable opportunity for Republicans to enact major conservative policy changes ahead of the midterm elections — and that there is still a window to get it done.
Those Republicans are largely brushing off Trump’s comments, refusing to take them as a death knell for their efforts.
“One day he’s okay with it, and the next day he’s not,” said Sen. John Kennedy (R-La.), who is one of the loudest evangelists for passing another party-line bill before the midterms, arguing Republicans “haven’t done a damn thing” since last year’s effort.
Those attitudes threaten to extend the will-they-or-won’t-they discussion for potentially several more months as some factions keep pressure on GOP leaders to keep hope alive.
The influential Republican Study Committee, which includes scores of House conservatives, has been holding listening sessions since last August for what could go into “Reconciliation 2.0.” It put out a framework in January outlining how such a bill could fulfill an ambitious housing, health care and energy agenda. The group is not yet abandoning the effort.
“There’s always a chance until there’s not,” said Rep. Kevin Hern (R-Okla.), a former RSC chair and member of House GOP leadership.
Rep. August Pfluger (R-Texas), the RSC’s current chair, said in a statement that a second reconciliation bill would be “the perfect vehicle” to unite Republicans behind “Trump’s America First agenda in 2026.”
“This is our moment, and we intend to make the most of it,” he said.
But to many senior Republicans that amounts to false hope — and a distraction from other matters on the congressional agenda in the coming months. Hopes abound for progress on bipartisan housing, permitting and transportation bills.
It was a particularly grueling process to get the first megabill through both chambers last year — and leaders had $5 trillion worth of tax cuts to dangle in front of recalcitrant members to help push it along.
House Republicans barely passed the bill on party lines in July, and their margin has only decreased since: They can currently afford no more than one defection.
“I would love a second reconciliation bill, but I can count votes,” Ways and Means Chair Jason Smith (R-Mo.) said in an interview. “And we do not have the votes for a second reconciliation.”
Speaker Mike Johnson and other House GOP leaders insist they haven’t ruled out doing a second reconciliation bill and say it’s still an active discussion, even as some senior House Republicans and GOP leadership aides privately doubt they will ever have the votes to move forward.
Senate Majority Leader John Thune also hasn’t dismissed another bill — but privately there’s a hefty dose of skepticism among senators and aides that there’s much of an appetite for another big party-line heave.
Asked about Trump’s latest comments, Thune acknowledged in an interview that there’s interest among some members. But he added that Republicans have to be “realistic” about the prospects of assembling a proposal that can garner 51 GOP votes and withstand a free-for-all of politically tricky changes from Democrats.
“We have to have a reason to do it,” Thune added.
To get another bill across the finish line during a midterm year, Republicans would likely need Trump to articulate what precisely he wants in a bill and then for the president to spend weeks, and potentially months, trying to help round up the votes.
But Trump has expressed skepticism about reconciliation, further raising the likelihood that the prospects of another bill are DOA. In addition to his recent comments, he kvetched about how little can actually get done in a reconciliation bill during a meeting with Senate Republicans last fall, instead urging Republicans to break the filibuster — a nonstarter for a significant swath of the conference.
Trump rekindled that push Thursday, telling senators in a Truth Social post to pass a GOP elections bill by insisting on a “talking filibuster” that would theoretically force Democrats to hold the floor indefinitely. The Senate is expected to vote on the bill, but many Republicans aren’t interested in skirting the chamber’s 60-vote supermajority requirement for most legislation.
The intraparty division is expected to come to a head next month at the House Republican retreat in south Florida, where a second reconciliation bill will be a topic of conversation. A previous closed-door meeting of GOP lawmakers in December grew heated, with vulnerable Rep. Mike Lawler (R-N.Y.) saying it would “never” happen.
Reconciliation got a brief mention during a Senate GOP retreat earlier this month, but most of the focus was on a slate of bipartisan bills that could come up this year, as well as the need to promote last year’s megabill, according to attendees who were granted anonymity to describe the closed-door event.
But some Republicans on the Senate Budget Committee — including Chair Lindsey Graham (R-S.C.) — are pushing for more. Graham has told his members that he plans to move forward with a budget resolution that would tee up a second reconciliation bill aimed at beefing up military and border spending, addressing health care costs and targeting fraud in social services.
But according to his committee members, Graham hasn’t given a strict timeline for when he’ll start moving, and there’s skepticism that it will amount to much without GOP leaders’ involvement.
“I don’t know how you move forward without the majority leader’s okay,” Kennedy said in an interview. “Senator Thune wants us to only work on bipartisan bills. I love Senator Thune like a taco, but he needs to back off the crank if he believes that. There aren’t going to be any bipartisan bills — we’re right in the middle of the midterm election. Our one shot to get something is reconciliation.”
One of the other challenges is litigating what exactly would go into a second reconciliation bill.
Senate conservatives have floated taking another crack at healthcare, but that would risk exposing deep GOP divisions just months before the midterms. Many of the party’s most unifying health care proposals were omitted from last year’s megabill because of the Senate’s strict rules governing reconciliation.
Some senior House Republicans have discussed attempting to codify Trump’s tariffs in another party-line bill. But that long-shot effort is now effectively dead after six Republicans voted this month to reject Trump’s levies on Canadian imports — with more such tariff votes to come.
Asked about the possibility of codifying tariffs in a party-line package, Smith reiterated in an interview, “There’s not going to be a second reconciliation bill.”
Meredith Lee Hill contributed to this report.
Congress
Virginia Gov. Abigail Spanberger tapped for State of the Union rebuttal
Virginia Gov. Abigail Spanberger will deliver the Democratic rebuttal to President Donald Trump’s State of the Union address next week, Democratic Minority Leaders Hakeem Jeffires and Chuck Schumer announced Thursday.
Sen. Schumer said Spanberger “has always put service over politics,” and Rep. Jeffries praised Spanberger for her decisive victory in November’s election.
“She stands in stark contrast to Donald Trump, who will lie, deflect and blame everyone but himself for his failed presidency on Tuesday evening,” Jeffries said.
In a statement, Spanberger said Americans expect and deserve “leaders who are working hard to deliver for them.”
“We are at a defining moment in our nation’s history,” she said. “Virginians and Americans across the country are contending with rising costs, chaos in their communities, and a real fear of what each day might bring.”
Spanberger flipped Virginia’s governor’s mansion blue last year, becoming the state’s first female governor. She previously represented the commonwealth’s 7th District in the House. Before her time in politics, Spanberger served in the CIA.
The two minority leaders also announced Thursday that Sen. Alex Padilla (D-Calif.) will deliver the Democratic response in Spanish on Tuesday.
Padilla, the son of Mexican immigrants and California’s first Latino senator, garnered nationwide attention last summer after he was forcibly detained by officers during a press conference with Homeland Security Secretary Kristi Noem.
“As Donald Trump, Kristi Noem and MAGA extremists have tried to silence the voices of our Latino brothers and sisters, Senator Alex Padilla has consistently fought back and proven Democrats will not bend the knee to this out-of-control administration,” Jeffries said.
Schumer added that Padilla’s message will be a “sharp contrast to President Trump’s chaos and self-dealing.”
Padilla said he plans to discuss lowering costs, safeguarding democracy and reining in “rogue federal agencies” in his speech.
“Americans don’t need another speech from Donald Trump pretending everything is fine when their bills are too high, paychecks are too low and masked and militarized federal agents are roaming our communities violating Constitutional rights on a daily basis,” Padilla said.
Trump will address the nation from the Capitol on Tuesday, though a swath of Democrats have announced they plan to boycott the address. Jeffries, however, told reporters Wednesday that he plans to attend Trump’s speech.
“We’re not going to Donald Trump’s house, he’s coming to our house,” Jeffries said. “It’s my view that you don’t let anyone ever run you off of your block.”
Congress
GOP senator backs Democratic wife’s bid for office
In a rare move, Sen. Pete Ricketts (R-Neb.) is reaching across party lines to endorse his wife, Susanne Shore, who announced Thursday that she is running as a Democrat for a seat on the University of Nebraska Board of Regents.
Ricketts said in a statement that his wife would be an “outstanding voice” for the university, noting her love for Nebraska and their shared goals of making higher education more affordable and accessible.
“I usually vote straight Republican, but Susanne will be my one Democrat exception in 2026!” he said.
The former Nebraskan first lady is seeking an Omaha seat representing Douglas County after former Regent Elizabeth O’Connor resigned in January following a charge of felony DUI. Shore described herself as a “Regent-ready” candidate, pointing to her background in university administration, health care and public service.
“Our university must be an engine, not a museum,” she said in a statement. “By focusing on results over rhetoric, we can keep our university affordable, competitive and ready for the challenges of the future.”
The political split between the former two-term governor and his wife has been apparent for more than a decade. The two donate to opposing parties and have even backed candidates running against one another. Shore acknowledged the dynamic, saying differences at home are routine but respectful. In an interview with the Nebraska Examiner, Shore said Ricketts has been “nothing but supportive” of her political aspirations.
“He’s told me what it’s like to run for office, and I’ve seen it firsthand,” she said. “It does feel different to be on this side, but so far it’s been amazing.”
Shore said her husband has his own campaign to worry about. He’s facing off against Dan Osborn, an independent and former Omaha labor leader, in a competitive Nebraska Senate race.
Ricketts has been a loyal supporter of President Donald Trump and the Republican Party, backing the administration on many of its key issues. He was, however, one of the few Republicans to criticize Trump after he posted a racist video to social media depicting former President and first lady Barack and Michelle Obama as monkeys earlier this month.
“Even if this was a Lion King meme, a reasonable person sees the racist context to this,” he wrote on X. “The White House should do what anyone does when they make a mistake: remove this and apologize.”
Congress
White House wants a reprieve in spy-powers fight that is splitting the GOP
Some of Donald Trump’s biggest loyalists in Congress are itching to rein in federal surveillance powers. So far his administration isn’t biting.
Instead, the White House is quietly pushing for a key spy authority to be extended as is into 2027, according to five people granted anonymity to discuss the private talks. The length of that “clean” extension is still under discussion, but the administration wants at least 18 months, according to three of the people.
Stephen Miller, the influential senior White House domestic policy adviser, is a leading advocate within the administration for extending the program that lets the government collect the data of noncitizens abroad without a warrant, according to two of the five people. One of the people said that Miller sees the spying statute under Section 702 of the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act, or FISA, as critical to a variety of homeland security missions.
The behind-the-scenes push comes as Congress barrels toward an April 20 deadline to reauthorize Section 702, which is itself a perennial source of intraparty tension for the GOP. Even as some Hill Republicans believe that Trump supports a clean extension, others cautioned there are still two months to go and things will remain in flux until the president weighs in publicly — underscoring the fraught nature of the discussion.
But if Trump embraces the view held by Miller and other administration officials, it would be a major win for the intelligence community and its allies in Congress, who have fretted for months that Trump’s stated hatred of the broader FISA law could tank hopes of getting any reauthorization of the warrantless spy provision over the finish line.
On the other hand, it’s likely to be a major problem for Speaker Mike Johnson, a former Judiciary Committee member who frustrated conservative hard-liners in 2024 when he sided with the Intelligence Committee and cast the deciding vote to reject a new policy requiring law enforcement to obtain a warrant before searching for Americans under Section 702 surveillance.
GOP leaders are involved in conversations with House Republicans about how to reauthorize the program, but there is not yet a consensus on how to move forward ahead of the April deadline.
Ultimately, there’s no easy path to pass a clean extension in the House. One of the people with knowledge of the discussions said GOP leaders are “going to have a problem” trying to unite Republicans behind a special “rule” allowing for an up-or-down floor vote on a clean extension, which are typically party-line affairs.
But Republicans also believe that with Trump in office, a number of Democrats who previously supported leaving Section 702 intact will now support putting more fetters on intelligence agencies — making the alternative route, a two-thirds-majority bipartisan vote under suspension of the rules, all but impossible.
Asked about trying to pass a clean 702 extension, House Intelligence Committee Chair Rick Crawford (R-Ark.) said in an interview that “we’re still shopping that.”
“I have a responsibility to … run the play that the coach calls, so we’ll see,” he said, acknowledging that while he’s “not a mathematician” that it’s unlikely any bill will be able to clear the two-thirds hurdle for speedy passage.
Across the Capitol, Senate Intelligence Committee Chair Tom Cotton (R-Ark.) has been pitching a clean 18-month extension, with some members of his panel interested in going even longer. But lawmakers have also grown frustrated after administration officials were evasive about their position in recent Capitol Hill meetings, with one person saying Wednesday they still had not been informed of the White House’s official posture.
Intelligence officials have argued in public that the 702 program is critical to stopping a wide range of national security threats, from narcotics trafficking and weapons proliferation to cyberattacks and terrorism. U.S. spy agencies are also authorized to use the authority to vet foreigners trying to enter the country or seeking certain benefits under federal immigration law.
Miller was one of the architects of the Trump administration’s policy of bombing suspected drug trafficking boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific under the controversial legal theory that their crews were “combatants” in an armed conflict against the U.S.
The White House did not provide a comment about its position on extending the program. The Office of the Director of National Intelligence did not respond to a request for comment.
Beyond the surveillance policy itself, any 702 extension will face other problems getting through the House: Trying to pass a bill under a rule would give an opportunity to Rep. Anna Paulina Luna (R-Fla.) and her allies to make good on their threat to attach a partisan voting bill, the SAVE America Act. If that effort were successful, it would kill the ability for Republicans to get the Democratic votes they will inevitably need to pass the legislation in the House.
Lawmakers at the heart of the debate know they are quickly running out of time to figure out a strategy. The House is planning to be out of session for three of the coming eight weeks before Section 702 expires.
“April 20 is the deadline, so we’ve got to work fast,” Crawford said, adding that “obviously the White House has vested interest in retaining 702, authority. It’s a national security issue. So, you know, it’s very important to them.”
Crawford and Judiciary Committee Chair Jim Jordan (R-Ohio) are in talks over a potential compromise effort that could put new guardrails on Section 702 surveillance. They’ve participated in a joint meeting at the White House and held staff dinners to try and feel out a compromise — which would be a huge relief for Johnson if it could come together.
But the two panels have historically diverged, particularly on the warrant issue. There’s already skepticism that Jordan or his panel’s members will drop their demands to require warrants in relation to Americans caught in the surveillance data just because the White House is pushing for a clean extension.
Jordan indicated to POLITICO late last year that he was hoping to get a warrant requirement written into law, along with a separate proposal banning data brokers from selling information to law enforcement without a warrant.
But he was more general in comments last week, where he noted there are ongoing conversations about possible additional changes Congress could make while also offering a more measured assessment of the overall program.
“We know 702 is important,” Jordan said. “We know it needs to get reauthorized. We’re committed to getting that done. We just want to do it in the best way possible so that you can get the bad guys, know what the bad guys are doing overseas, but also protect Americans, and I’m confident we’ll get there.”
But some hard-liners in both chambers are as insistent as ever on the need for a warrant requirement.
Rep. Andy Biggs (R-Ariz.) asked Attorney General Pam Bondi about it during her appearance last week before the House Judiciary Committee. And Sen. Mike Lee (R-Utah) said Congress “has no business” reauthorizing Section 702 without adding a warrant requirement for searches involving U.S. persons — a provision that supporters of the program believe would be unworkable.
Lee and Sen. Dick Durbin of Illinois, the top Democrat on the Senate Judiciary Committee, are planning to revive a bill that would extend Section 702 with changes, including a warrant requirement for searching the content of communications involving Americans, according to a person granted anonymity to disclose the unannounced effort.
“I think a lot of members still want to be able to have some semblance of a warrant requirement when it comes to FISA 702 uses,” Rep. Byron Donalds (R-Fla.) said. “I don’t really see that changing anytime soon.”
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