Politics
PR fail: Mamdani’s Boricua bungle
DEPARTMENT OF UNFORCED ERRORS: Mayor Zohran Mamdani held an annual Puerto Rican heritage event today at Gracie Mansion that underscored a growing tiff.
The afternoon celebration was pared-down. Prominent leaders never received an invite or declined to attend. And Nuyoricans were initially told it wasn’t going to happen at all.
Roughly 200 people milled about the ornate entertaining room in the mayor’s official residence on the Upper East Side. A smattering of elected officials past and present were there, among them state Sens. Gustavo Rivera and Kristen Gonzalez and former Council members Rafael Salamanca and Carlina Rivera.
“New York City government has not done its part to serve Puerto Rican New Yorkers. Our City Hall is determined to change that,” Mamdani told the crowd, citing his administration’s plan to build municipal grocery stores in East Harlem and the Bronx.
The vibe, however, was a bit off.
In a matter of weeks, the mayor’s office has turned what’s normally a routine and low-stakes way of keeping in good stead with the Puerto Rican community into a self-inflicted political wound that comes as the democratic socialist tries more broadly to sweep out an old guard of Latino elected officials.
“There are people who are still upset about this,” said Erica González, former executive editor of El Diario La Prensa, the oldest, largest Spanish-language daily newspaper in the country. “It’s begging the question about what the treatment of the Puerto Rican community is going to be.”
Upon taking office, Mamdani created an outreach division called the Mayor’s Office of Mass Engagement, which seeks to replicate the success of the volunteer army that helped propel him to victory (and in the process provide a taxpayer-funded boost to Mamdani’s reelection campaign). As POLITICO previously reported, the office also absorbed — and de-prioritized — several longstanding outreach divisions that help plan and execute events like today’s Gracie Mansion fiesta.
Earlier this month, a mass engagement representative told Puerto Rican leaders the annual event was not happening.
“In an effort to celebrate the National Puerto Rican Day in the company of as many working-class New Yorkers as possible, Mayor Mamdani and our administration are prioritizing his attendance at the 5th Ave Parade and the Knickerbocker Parade on June 14th instead of hosting an invitation-only reception,” Álvaro López, a former campaign staffer and DSA organizer who now works in the Office of Mass Engagement, wrote in an email.
Outrage inevitably followed. The mayor’s office quickly disavowed the email and said a reception was indeed in the works.
But at least some invitations didn’t go out until last week. Several prominent people weren’t contacted at all, and notable Puerto Rican political figures in the city — like former City Council Speaker Melissa Mark-Viverito — were no-shows. On top of that, today’s midday event didn’t keep with the tradition of throwing a large-scale, invite-only evening bash ahead of Sunday’s annual Puerto Rican Day Parade in Midtown. (The mayor’s office said heritage events will no longer feature a large tent in Gracie Mansion’s backyard). Some community leaders upset about the Mamdani snub held an alternative event Thursday evening in Brooklyn.
“It concerns me there is someone in the administration that thinks there’s some mythical, Downton Abbey class of Puerto Ricans that shows up to Gracie,” González said.
López, the Mass Engagement staffer whose email triggered much of the backlash, was on hand for Friday’s Gracie reception, tasked with checking in media at the front entrance. When a Playbook reporter arrived, López questioned why Blue Light News should be allowed in. When asked why, López said he was only joking.
The dustup over the reception doesn’t seem to have affected Mamdani’s poll numbers with Latino voters. In a Data for Progress survey of New York City voters conducted May 20-26, nearly 60 percent of Latino respondents viewed the mayor either somewhat or very favorably.
The mayor is creating rifts elsewhere as well, though.
Mamdani endorsed a democratic socialist challenger to Rep. Adriano Espaillat in upper Manhattan and the Bronx, touching off a generational battle between older Dominican voters and younger, more affluent supporters of Darializa Avila Chevalier. And in Assemblymember Claire Valdez, Mamdani is betting against the chosen successor to Rep. Nydia Velázquez, one of the city’s most prominent Puerto Rican figures.
Velázquez was among those who skipped Mamdani’s Friday afternoon event, vaguely telling Playbook she had “too many things” to do. But in a sign of her irritation with Mamdani, she questioned why he threw a FIFA soccer event in Gracie’s backyard Thursday evening, saying it seemed like the same sort of private party his office is saying they want to move away from.
“We have to be clear about what is the policy going forward,” she said. “Because otherwise people will feel: Why them and not us?” — Chris Sommerfeldt and Joe Anuta
FROM CITY HALL
ZOMBIE DISASSEMBLING: Yet another member of former Mayor Eric Adams’ legally dubious Charter Revision Commission has resigned — putting the zombie-like panel on the brink of extinction.
Ismael Claudio, a Brooklyn pastor who acted as a faith adviser to Adams while he was still mayor, resigned from the commission Monday, according to a person with direct knowledge of the matter who was granted anonymity to discuss the issue.
Kayla Mamelak, Adams’ former press secretary who also sits on the commission, wouldn’t comment on Claudio’s resignation. Claudio couldn’t be reached for comment.
Charter revision commissions, which are convened by mayors to propose ballot referendum questions for local elections, can only legally operate if they have at least nine members. With Claudio out, Adams’ panel only has nine members — the bare minimum to live on.
Three other members, Robert Tucker, Fernando Mateo and Shams DaBaron, also resigned in the past few weeks. Another two appointees, Martin Connor and Alfred Curtis, never filed the requisite paperwork to join the commission in the first place.
At least one additional member, retired labor leader Denis Hughes, hasn’t shown up to any of the commission’s public hearings. Mamelak insisted he is still a member of the commission, though. Hughes couldn’t be reached for comment.
Ultimately, resignations may be the smallest problem for the panel, which Adams launched on his final day in office.
Mamdani ordered Adams’ commission disbanded in late May, using a new authority granted him by the state. Mamdani also launched his own Charter Revision Commission and tasked it with advancing ballot questions for November related to improving government efficiency.
Randy Mastro, Adams’ former first deputy mayor and the counsel for Adams’ commission, has insisted Mamdani’s nullification order wasn’t lawful and is forging ahead.
On the same day Mamdani ordered Adams’ commission disbanded, the panel voted to advance a November ballot question that would, if approved by voters, establish an open primary system in local elections. Under such a system, it would likely be harder for democratic socialists like Mamdani to be elected, as the pool of primary voters would be expanded to include more conservative voters — a wrinkle that has reinforced many observers’ belief that Adams created his commission to deliberately stymie his successor.
In addition to voting to advance that referendum question, Adams’ commission has continued to hold public hearings to consider more questions for the November ballot. Among the additional proposals they’re looking at is a ballot question to create new, unspecified initiatives aimed at combating antisemitism in New York.
It’s unclear how the Adams commission’s actions — including those already taken — would be impacted if enough members resign for the panel to be nullified by default.
Mamdani’s administration has maintained that nothing the Adams commission is doing holds legal relevance since the mayor killed it weeks ago. — Chris Sommerfeldt
FROM THE CAMPAIGN TRAIL
PAC IT UP, PART I: A shadowy super PAC war has descended upon the Democratic primary to take on Rep. Mike Lawler.
Progressive Champions PAC, a group that filed with the Federal Election Commission last month and has yet to disclose its donors, has placed close to $1 million on a TV advertising buy attacking Democratic candidate Cait Conley in the final days of the campaign.
Democrats were quick to accuse the group of being backed by GOP interests, pointing to a bank it shares with another PAC with ties to Republicans that spent in other Democratic primaries across the country.
It’s not unheard of for the opposite party to get involved in a primary across the aisle in an attempt to elevate candidates they think will be easier to defeat in the general election.
The ad hits Conley, an Army veteran who has drawn the support of national groups, over Immigration and Customs Enforcement. The narrator states that she is “bankrolled by firms partnered with a major ICE contractor targeting immigrants” — a reference to reporting that firms she consulted for aided immigration enforcement. She has repeatedly denied this claim.
“True activists fought ICE’s atrocities, but Conley kept collecting,” the ad continues. “That’s not progressive, that’s profiteering.”
In a statement, Conley said that “Republicans are seriously underestimating NY-17 Democrats who will see through their political lies and deceit.”
The PAC didn’t respond to Playbook’s request for comment. Its site states that its mission is to “elect bold, progressive candidates up and down the ballot who will fight for working families, protect our democracy, and build a future that works for everyone.”
Conley is one of five candidates running for the Democratic nod. Her two most high-profile challengers are Rockland County Legislator Beth Davidson, who like Conley is running as a moderate, and Tarrytown Trustee Effie Phillips-Staley, who has sought to claim the progressive lane. Some Democrats worry that a far-left candidate would make flipping the battleground seat more difficult in November.
Conley also placed some blame for the PAC attack on Davidson, who has public messaging on her site echoing a similar sentiment as the ad. Davidson also ran a spot hitting Conley on the immigration issue.
In response, Davidson in a statement said “Mike Lawler and Republican dark money groups have no place meddling in our Democratic primary. Full stop.” (Phillips-Staley also condemned the spending.)
Lawler hasn’t shied away from hitting his potential Democratic opponents throughout the primary. But on Friday, his campaign insisted it couldn’t be bothered by the messiness across the aisle.
“Frankly, we don’t care who survives this clown car primary because every single one of them supports raising taxes on working people, making New York a Sanctuary State, and doesn’t have an independent or bipartisan bone in their body,” Lawler campaign manager Ciro Riccardi said in a statement. — Madison Fernandez
PAC IT UP, PART II: There’s yet another super PAC in the high-dollar Democratic primary to succeed retiring Rep. Jerry Nadler.
Guardrails Alliance, a super PAC that registered with the FEC last month, has made a six-figure ad buy in the race, according to the ad tracker AdImpact. Public filings with the Federal Communications Commission show that the ad will refer to Assemblymember Alex Bores and focus on artificial intelligence — making it the latest AI-related PAC in the race.
Bores’ work on landmark AI regulation in the state Legislature has attracted millions of dollars both in support of and against him amid his congressional bid. Think Big — a super PAC backed by leaders at OpenAI and the venture capital firm Andreessen Horowitz, among others who claim such regulation stifles innovation — has targeted Bores with more than $6 million in spending, according to FEC filings. A handful of other PACs, many of which have ties to those in the tech industry who are friendlier to AI guardrails, have spent $8 million supporting him, per the FEC.
Super PAC spending has been a sore spot in the race. In the closing days of the campaign, Bores’ opponents have expressed frustration with the heavy super PAC spending in support of him. — Madison Fernandez
BERNIE COMES TO TOWN: Bernie Sanders, Vermont senator and democratic socialist forefather, is coming to New York on Thursday in a last-minute push to boost progressive congressional candidates.
The New York Times first reported the event is set to feature Assemblymember Claire Valdez, who is running in the open race to succeed Velázquez; Darializa Avila Chevalier, who’s challenging Democratic Rep. Adriano Espaillat; and former city Comptroller Brad Lander, who’s looking to unseat Rep. Dan Goldman. All three are endorsed by Mamdani, who is also expected to join the rally.
Sanders’ team confirmed the event to Playbook.
Sanders, who is wildly popular in New York, previously endorsed Valdez and Lander. Both Valdez and Avila Chevalier are members of the Democratic Socialists of America and are backed by the city chapter in their bids; the two cross-endorsed each other.
But Lander has tried to keep some distance, despite appearing in a joint advertisement with Mamdani’s congressional slate. When asked at a press conference earlier this week why he would appear in that ad with Avila Chevalier, who attended a pro-Palestinian rally the day after Hamas’ Oct. 7 attack in 2023 — the same rally Lander said he left the DSA over — he said it was an “opportunity to show New Yorkers that politics can be a team sport.” He also clarified that he has not endorsed candidates in any other congressional primaries.
Avila Chevalier told reporters last week that she went to that rally to “stand against” Israel engaging in “a response that is often disproportionate and creates a greater loss of life.” She added that she has “condemned Hamas” and does “not believe that celebrating the loss of anybody’s life is OK.”
Avila Chevalier’s profile has been heightened in recent weeks, following Mamdani’s endorsement. But with that has also come more scrutiny — particularly of her social media activity from the beginning of the decade. One such post criticized what she called Sanders’ “liberal Zionism.” But Avila Chevalier has repeatedly said that she has changed in the years since she made those posts and has accused Espaillat of relitigating old posts to distract from other issues in the race. — Jason Beeferman and Madison Fernandez
WORLD CUP WATCH
MOHAWK VALLEY MADNESS: When Bosnian refugees started arriving in Utica in the mid-1990s, it was a down-on-its-heels upstate Rust Belt city that had seen its population crater by roughly a third from a midcentury peak of just over 100,000 residents.
“I thought I came to another war zone when I came here,” said Hanka Grabovica, who arrived in the Mohawk Valley city in 2001 when she was 16 years old, citing the prevalence of boarded-up buildings and garbage on the streets. “Utica was pretty bad back then.”
Grabovica was part of a wave of Bosnian refugees who settled in Utica after fleeing the brutal war in their native country — and its messy aftermath — that followed the breakup of Yugoslavia. Exact figures are tough to pin down, but it’s believed that about 6,000 Bosnians now live in Utica — or nearly 10 percent of the total population.
The city’s unlikely emergence as an epicenter of Bosnian American culture will probably never be more prominently on display than this afternoon when Bosnia and Herzegovina faces Canada on the second day of the World Cup. It’s just the second time Bosnia has qualified for the tournament since it became an independent country in 1992.
The dramatic and unlikely way that the country punched its ticket to North America — knocking off four-time World Cup champion Italy via penalty kicks in a one-match playoff — has heightened the delirium among Bosnians from Sarajevo to St. Louis (the largest enclave of Bosnians in the U.S.) to Utica.
“Seeing this national team progress to the World Cup is definitely something amazing,” said Sandro Sehic, secretary of the Bosnian American Community Association of Utica, noting that many ethnic Serbians and Croatians who live in the country still refuse to play for the national team owing to lingering tensions from the war. “Bosnia is still struggling politically, socially. There are still so many problems that are still affecting the country.” Read more from Paul Demko in Blue Light News
IN OTHER NEWS
— GROCERY EXPANSION: City Council member Jennifer Gutiérrez introduced a bill to expand Mamdani’s city-owned grocery story plan and make it a permanent part of city government. (The City Reporter)
— WHO CALLS THE SHOTS: GOP gubernatorial candidate Bruce Blakeman called Gov. Kathy Hochul’s newly passed bill that requires children to be vaccinated for summer camp “un-American.” (Gothamist)
— BUG INVASION: Tick season is in full swing with a rare case of Lyme disease being detected in the Empire State for the first time. (CBS News)
Missed this morning’s New York Playbook? We forgive you. Read it here.
President Donald Trump is hitting the campaign trail — and a series of his stops are in deep-red states he comfortably won in 2024.
Trump will campaign in Iowa, Florida, Texas and Alaska ahead of Election Day, according to two people with knowledge of the matter, who were granted anonymity to discuss not-yet-public plans. That’s on top of his scheduled stop in Oklahoma next week, as the RNC announced, and his visit to Alabama, which POLITICO first reported.
While the president has indicated a desire to stump for Ken Paxton in Texas and Dan Sullivan in Alaska, the addition of Iowa and Florida to his campaign schedule signals an expanded focus on red states as Republicans grow increasingly nervous heading into the final stretch of the midterms.
The president is also preparing to hold campaign rallies in more traditional battleground states starting Oct. 3, according to one of the people.
His travel schedule is a clear signal that the GOP is seeking to shore up their own territory — as rising voter anger over sky-high costs and mass deportations creates new openings for Democrats. The six confirmed states have highly watched Senate, House and gubernatorial contests this November, but they are also ones Trump won by double digits two years ago.
“While Democrats squabble over the last two cents their party has to spare, the president is barnstorming the country, energizing our base, and supercharging Republican candidates in key races and beyond,” said Natalie Baldassarre, an RNC spokesperson.
“We have the resources to spend, and Republicans are full steam ahead to protect and expand our majorities,” Baldassarre added.
The White House referred Blue Light News to the RNC.
Vice President JD Vance will also ramp up his campaign travel ahead of Election Day. He and Trump are expected to make stops in Ohio to boost GOP Sen. Jon Husted, as POLITICO has reported. Husted is trailing former Democratic Sen. Sherrod Brown in internal GOP polling by top Senate Republicans, according to two other people with direct knowledge of the matter, granted anonymity to share private details.
Trump’s latest midterms travel swing will first start with Oklahoma and Alabama — two deep-red states where Democrats haven’t made the same inroads in statewide elections as they have in other traditionally conservative states like Texas, Alaska and Kansas.
But his Alabama event could help drive turnout and shore up support for GOP state Rep. Rhett Marques, who is in a competitive race with Democratic Rep. Shomari Figures in the state’s 2nd District, despite Republicans’ effort to redraw the seat in their favor.
Republicans in Iowa, Texas and Alaska are growing increasingly alarmed about how close their Senate races are amid fallout from the Iran war and other policy moves by Trump. Florida Republicans have become uneasy about their own firewall, with some polling showing statewide races inside the margin of error.
Rep. Ashley Hinson, the GOP Senate nominee in Iowa, recently publicly broke with Trump over the Iran war, as did several other Iowa House Republicans.
“The bigger question on everything continues to be, whatever you do, will there be enough time. I just don’t know,” said one person close to the White House. “We’re teetering on the edge of it doesn’t matter anymore.”
Alec Hernández contributed to this report.
President Donald Trump’s mass deportation campaign is running into resistance within his own voter coalition, as more and more Republican candidates publicly break with him ahead of the November election.
New results from The POLITICO Poll help explain why: Non-MAGA Trump voters are more than twice as likely as self-identified MAGA Trump voters to say his mass deportation campaign is too aggressive, 31% to 14%. While roughly similar shares of both groups believe Trump’s campaign is about right, the MAGA base wants him to go even further: 36% of MAGA Trump voters say his campaign is not aggressive enough, compared with 23% of non-MAGA Trump voters.
Meanwhile, support across Trump’s entire voter coalition falls when it comes to deporting people beyond the most violent offenders, such as those with minor criminal offenses or who have been living in the U.S. for years without legal status.
The new survey, conducted by London-based Public First, reveals how Trump’s immigration agenda — which has long been one of his signature political issues and a reliable GOP rallying point — has divided the very coalition that helped power his two presidential wins. The president’s MAGA loyalists are still more inclined than other Trump voters to support a tougher immigration posture, but there are clear limits to how far voters want the administration to go.
Those intraparty tensions burst into public view this month, when Rep. Maria Elvira Salazar (R-Fla.) released a campaign ad pushing back against Trump’s deportation agenda, saying some of his efforts “have gone too far” and that Hispanic voters who supported him in 2024 “feel betrayed.” It was a remarkable break from a sitting GOP lawmaker over one of the president’s defining policies, as Democrats have locked in on Florida’s 27th District as a prime target in their bid to flip the House.
Salazar’s public rift with Trump exemplifies the fears Republicans had been privately warning about for months: that the president’s immigration enforcement — marked last year by high-profile, flashy raids that rippled through communities — was alienating moderate Republicans, independents, young voters and Latinos who support border security and immigration enforcement in theory but dislike how it is being carried out.
And as the party stares down a difficult midterm landscape, including in districts and states Trump won in 2024, other GOP candidates followed Salazar’s lead, increasingly putting distance between themselves and the administration on key issues like immigration — despite having voted last year to approve billions of dollars for border security and immigration enforcement. On Wednesday, Sen. Roger Marshall (R-Kan.), whose race has tightened against Democrat Adam Hamilton, also softened his stance on Immigration and Customs Enforcement as raids in southwest Kansas prompt temporary business closures and schools.
“When ICE operates in Kansas, it needs to coordinate with our local law enforcement. Our sheriffs and police know these communities better than anyone, and working together keeps officers and residents safe,” he wrote on social media, adding that he’s been in direct contact with Homeland Security Secretary Markwayne Mullin.
The Blue Light News Poll finds most Americans — including majorities of both MAGA and non-MAGA Trump voters — believe people convicted of serious violent or sexual offenses should be prioritized for deportation, underscoring broad agreement on a more targeted approach to enforcement.
The survey also finds that few people — including among both MAGA and non-MAGA Trump voters — prioritized targeting other groups for deportations. Less than a quarter of each group say people convicted of minor criminal offenses should be prioritized. Support falls further when voters are asked about prioritizing people who have lived in the U.S. for several years without legal status or people with dependent children in the U.S.
“A lot of it has to do with how you talk about it. They don’t want amnesty for people who have broken the law. They want everybody to do it the right way,” said a person close to the White House granted anonymity to discuss how Republicans are viewing the issue. “They understand that some people might be law-abiding, hard working.”
White House spokesperson Lauren Bis said Blue Light News is “skewing data to paint a false narrative.”
“The American people sent President Trump back to the White House to stop the invasion of our country and deport the millions of illegal aliens Biden and Democrats allowed into the country. The president is delivering on his promises,” she said.
Days after releasing the ad, Salazar said she had a “fantastic conversation” with Trump and urged him to protect the political “fortune” he had brought to the Republican Party on immigration. She also told CBS last weekend that Trump and the average American understand “the between the narco and the nanny and the gangster and the gardener.”
She said the administration should distinguish between criminals and unauthorized immigrants working in crucial industries such as agriculture, construction, hospitality and health care.
That distinction is also reflected in The Blue Light News Poll. Both MAGA and non-MAGA Trump voters are open to maintaining or increasing the number of people coming into the U.S. to work in sectors facing labor shortages, such as health care or agriculture. Sixty-five percent of MAGA Trump voters and 69% non-MAGA Trump voters say they want to see about the same number — or more — people coming to the U.S. to work in those sectors facing labor shortages.
“Trump 2.0 that took over in January 2025 completely misread what voters were telling him and Joe Biden during 2024, which was that they wanted to see more order and security over the U.S.-Mexico border,” said Matt Barreto, who conducted polling for former Vice President Kamala Harris’ 2024 campaign. “Instead, what Trump told Americans was, ‘Now I’m going to go hunt down immigrants who are just working and contributing to America.’ And there was extremely limited support for that.”
Past POLITICO polling on immigration has shown that the Trump administration has been unable to reverse the damage with voters on the issue. Last fall, battleground Republicans were already expressing concern about the administration’s immigration tactics. Those concerns intensified in the months that followed, while negative voter sentiment hardened by April after federal agents killed two U.S. citizens in Minneapolis.
The Trump administration, in the wake of bipartisan outrage, softened its rhetoric and abandoned flashy raids that often devolved into clashes with protesters. The president also installed Mullin, who moved quickly to repair relationships on Capitol Hill and keep the Department of Homeland Security out of the headlines.
But Mullin is also facing pressure from MAGA critics and immigration hardliners who think he’s not committed to the president’s vow to deport millions of unauthorized immigrants. In an effort to shore up his support with that contingent, top administration accounts, including Mullin’s, have ramped up posts about ICE, arrests statistics and tough talk about the administration’s immigration enforcement agenda.
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