The Dictatorship
‘Million-dollar bullets’ devastate communities — and drain us all
It was late July 2003 inside a small, dimly lit room at the Jefferson Moss-Magee Rehabilitation Hospital in downtown Philadelphia. And Kevin Johnson, 19, was telling me, an intern at the Daily News barely older than he was, about his nightly dream. In it, he’s on a basketball court, dribbling, passing and cutting through the lane. Then he flies through the air like he has jet packs strapped to his legs.
“It’s like I’m really playing, because I can feel everything,” he said with a toothy smile and a wheezy laugh. “I’m still paralyzed, but it doesn’t stop me.” Then, as tears tumbled down his mother’s cheeks, he said, “I’m going to try to live a regular life.”
As tears tumbled down his mother’s cheeks, he said, ‘I’m going to try to live a regular life.’
A little more than a month earlier, a group of teens tried to rob Kevin for his $150 Allen Iverson basketball jersey. He and a cousin were waiting at a trolley stop in Southwest Philly when they told him to “give it up.” When he refused, one of them pressed a gun to the back of Kevin’s neck, just inches below his skull, and pulled the trigger.
That one bullet changed everything. It knocked Kevin off his feet and into paralysis.
Something inside of me was left frozen, too. From his bedside to the writing of these words, my life and journalism career have been tethered to his spirit and the shock of all that he’d lost.
Kevin’s infectious buoyance and his courageous fight to stay alive stuck with me in deep, meaningful ways. But what I haven’t been able to escape is the incalculability of the cost that he and his family would pay for the bullet lodged in his spine. He paid with his freedom, his mobility and any future he and his family had ever hoped for. And for what? The robbers that shot him never even got the jersey they wanted so badly. The bloody rag had to be cut off Kevin’s back by paramedics.
But what they took was priceless. They robbed his mother of a loving son who was just finding his footing in the world, his siblings of an adoring brother who’d chase them up and down the block, and the world of whoever Kevin would’ve grown to become, unbound by a wheelchair.
But there were other costs, too. From the moment that bullet dug into Kevin’s body, the tally began to tick. His medical bills mounted quickly. Before the rehab facility would discharge him, the family’s bi-level row house would need to be renovated: a special outlet for his breathing machine needed to be installed, a wheelchair ramp would need to be erected, door frames needed widening, and the bathrooms needed to be overhauled. All of that or they’d have to move out. Or the unthinkable: sending Kevin to a nursing home.
He would require 24-hour care to keep him alive and a specially equipped van to transport him and his hulking new wheelchair. That was just to get him home.
Within months of the shooting, his family’s meager savings were exhausted.
The cascade of costs and consequences sparked by a bullet, purchased for as little as $0.25 a round, started an avalanche of millions.
The shooting threw off the family’s orbit in so many intangible ways. But the financial blow was a secondary injury that none of them had anticipated. In the coming years, the costs related to Kevin’s medical condition would be staggering, in the millions. There were the big-ticket items like the several-thousand-dollar wheelchair ramp and his wheelchair, which cost $35,000. Some of his medications were a few hundred dollars a month. There were adult diapers and supplies needed to keep his tracheostomy and breathing tubes clean.
The family scraped together what they could to pay some of these bills out of pocket. Kindhearted strangers helped a lot. But the bulk of the financial costs to keep Kevin alive were paid by taxpayers through public insurance. His mother, Janice, quit her job and took on the full-time job as Kevin’s caregiver.
Just one bullet. The cascade of costs and consequences sparked by a bullet, purchased for as little as $0.25 a round, started an avalanche of millions. Not just for families like Kevin’s but for all of American society.
Economists Philip Cook and Jens Ludwigwho years ago did some of the most foundational work on the economic impact of gun violence, place the societal cost of a single gunshot injury at more than $1 million. Every gun death costs us more than $5 million. Consider the approximately 100,000 people who are shot in the U.S. in any given year and the price tag becomes staggering. The vast majority of gunshot victims will survive, but many, like Kevin, will suffer catastrophic injury requiring costly medical care and rehabilitation for the rest of their lives. Thanks to medical advancements, these victims are living longer lives, multiplying those costs.
Ted Miller, an economist with the Pacific Institute for Research and Evaluationsays that when accounting for much broader direct and indirect societal costs, gun violence costs an astonishing $557 billion a year. Some conservative estimates put these costs at 2.6% of the U.S. GDP.
American taxpayers from the burbs to the battle zones shoulder millions every single day to satisfy the myriad costs of bullets hitting flesh. Taxpayers, survivors, their families and employers pay an average of $7.79 million in health care costs every day and another $30.16 million every day in police and criminal justice costs, according to Everytown for Gun Safety.
American taxpayers from the burbs to the battle zones shoulder millions every single day to satisfy the myriad costs of bullets hitting flesh.
The same group has found that employers lose about $1.47 million a day in productivity, revenue and costs to replace gun violence victims, and society writ large loses $1.34 billion daily in quality-of-life costs related to gunshots.
While these figures are mammoth, they obviously don’t consider the many hard-to-account-for costs: lives lost or ruined, homes wrecked, communities divided, emotional trauma.
Of all the questions that I had standing there in Kevin’s hospital room, listening to his mother running through the seemingly insurmountable costs of keeping Kevin alive, there is one that has begged itself from that moment to this one: How much are we willing to pay?
I’ve spent much of my career asking that same question of police, politicians, victims and perpetrators of violent crime. I’ve asked it in cities across the country. I rephrased it and reconsidered it as I grew from a cub reporter to a seasoned veteran. The question took on greater significance in the era of the Black Lives Matter movement, when the philosophical and rhetorical value of Black life was being debated in the streets and in the media in the wake of the shootings of unarmed Black men and women by police. In wrestling with these ideas, I think about Kevin’s plight and the plight of so many other young Black people in poor and working-class communities, those who suffer a disproportionate number of daily shootings.
In 1993, Ralph Green, a 16-year-old gunshot victim from Brooklynwas called before a congressional panel on gun violence. Before the shooting, he was a promising athlete whose prowess earned him starting spots on the varsity football and basketball teams as a freshman in high school. Then one day, his life came crashing down — with a bullet. In the year between the shooting and being asked to testify in Washington, he underwent 14 surgeries, including the amputation of his left leg. His hospital costs at that point had already climbed higher than $1 million.
“How many million-dollar bullets will it take before someone wakes up?” the teen asked the panel. “Aren’t these gunshots loud enough?”
The story I wrote about Kevin was one of my first front-page stories. The Philadelphia Daily News published a full front-page photo of his smiling face. I’m not sure I’ve ever been so moved by a smile as I was that day.
At the end of 2006, a malfunction with Kevin’s breathing machine left him brain-dead. It was a little more than a week before Thanksgiving, and his family made the hard decision to take him off of life support. The NBA star Allen Iverson, whose jersey Kevin was wearing when he was shot, covered the costs of his funeral.
Yet Kevin’s family continues to pay an unpayable debt.
“If I could put a cost on my feelings, my emotions, it would be in the millions,” Janice tells me, more than 15 years after Kevin was shot. “Because I lost so much when Kevin passed away, and it feels like I’m losing more every single day.”
This is an adapted excerpt of Trymaine Lee’s book, “A Thousand Ways to Die: The True Cost of Violence on Black Life in America,” which goes on sale Tuesday, Sept. 9.

Trymaine Lee is a Pulitzer Prize and Emmy Award–winning journalist whose focus is the intersection of race, power, politics and violence. He’s an BLN contributor and author of “A Thousand Ways to Die: The True Cost of Violence on Black Life in America.”
The Dictatorship
Political firestorm heats up after unrest at ICE detention center Delaney Hall
New Jersey Gov. Mikie Sherrill on Sunday defended her decision to deploy state police to quell violent unrest outside an ICE detention facility, where House Democratic lawmakers — who were finally allowed inside — described conditions as unsanitary and unsafe.
“The conditions of confinement we witnessed firsthand and discussed with approximately two dozen detainees at the Delaney Hall detention shock the conscience,”House Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries said in a statement after Sunday’s congressional oversight visit to the federal detention center. “Immigration enforcement in this country should be fair, just and humane. The Trump administration is doing the exact opposite. At Delaney Hall, we learned of unsanitary living conditions, lack of adequate medical care and unhealthy food. This is not America.”
The Department of Homeland Security responded directly to Jeffries in a statement posted to social media, saying, “This is a detention center — we do not provide luxury accommodations. What we do provide are basic necessities like beds, clean water, comprehensive healthcare, and 3 meals a day until they go HOME.”
Sherrill, who along with New Jersey lawmakers were denied access to the facility earlier this monthsaid deploying state police Saturday was “absolutely necessary” because “ICE engagement creates an incredibly dangerous situation. It make the situation worse and I refuse to back down in fighting the Trump administration and the threats they’ve made.”
She later told MS NOW’s “Politics Nation” Sunday that after Immigration and Customs Enforcement officers beat protesters with batons, “The situation became more and more dangerous and then ICE was surging personnel in.”
Sunday was peaceful after police the night before deployed tear gas and explosive devices to break up the crowd. Officers pushed back both protestors and members of the press more than half a mile from the Delaney Hall building, citing safety concerns. Still, dozens of demonstrators returned Sunday with signs, drums and chants urging for the closure of the immigration center, which Sherrill has said she supports.
Monica Aguilar, who joined the protesters as a representative of the nonprofit organization New Jersey Action 21, told MS NOW in an interview outside the detention facility that detainees inside described unacceptable conditions.
“Whenever they get a hamburger, for example, the meat inside the bread is frozen,” she said, adding that the food “has green mold in it or worms” and the water is not clear.
Demonstrations outside of Newark’s Delaney Hall Saturday night saw state and local police confront masked individuals aggressively protesting alleged detainee mistreatment, including unsanitary conditions and inadequate food medical care. DHS officials have denied reports of the conditions, which sparked a prolonged hunger strike by detainees.
Sherrill reprimanded the masked protesters who traveled to New Jersey from other states, including New York and Pennsylvania, and urged everyone to “bring the temperature down.” She said five of the six people arrested Saturday night were from out of state.
“To the people coming from out of state to create chaos and dangerous situations, you should not be here,” Sherrill said. “You are not helping detained at Delaney hall. You’re not helping detainee families. And you’re certainly not keeping New Jersey safe.”
Sherrill also called on the Department of Homeland Security to restore full family visitations at the facility, provide appropriate medical care for detainees and stop pressuring them to sign deportation documents. Family visitation resumed Sunday in a limited capacity.
Newark Mayor Ras Baraka, who was arrested last year during a visit to the facility, imposed an evening curfew in the area shortly after the incident.
Despite being a journalist exercising his freedom of the press, MS NOW’s Ali Velshi was seen being forced to leave the scene by police before the curfew was enacted.
In an interview with Baraka on Sunday, Velshi asked why the media was not allowed near the facility for news coverage at the time.
“There was no curfew. We were not in violation of anything whatsoever,” Velshi told Baraka. “I have First Amendment rights in this nation.”
“I’m not arguing with you about your ability and right to stay there and do that. They should have allowed you to do that,” Baraka said.
Erum Salam is a breaking news reporter for MS NOW, with a focus on how global events and foreign policy shape U.S. politics. She previously was a breaking news reporter for The Guardian.
Maya Eaglin is a reporter at MS NOW covering breaking news, politics and current events around the country. She was previously an award-winning national correspondent at NBC News specializing in digital storytelling.
The Dictatorship
Democrats’ concerns grow over Senate candidate Graham Platner amid sexual texts
A top Democrat on Sunday expressed “concerns” about Maine Democratic Senate candidate Graham Platner in the wake of reports that he exchanged sexually explicit texts with multiple women, which his wife said she flagged to his campaign.
Asked about the controversy on ABC News, Sen. Cory Booker, D-N.J., said, “Yeah I have concerns. That guy has questions to answer and that’s what campaigns are for.”
The oyster farmer and Marnie Corps veteran’s wife, Amy Gertner, informed a senior campaign aide last summer that he had exchanged sexual messages with several women, according to The New York Times and The Wall Street Journal.
Gertner acknowledged in a lengthy video released on social media Saturday evening that she had informed her husband’s campaign about his activity. “I confided deeply personal details about my marriage to someone I considered a friend,” she said.
That person, former state Rep. Genevieve McDonald, who left the Platner campaign last fall, said she was warned by the Senate candidate’s campaign that she would be accused of sabotage if she cooperated with news outlets reporting on Platner’s sexually explicit texts, according to Maine’s Bangor Daily News. The Daily News said the warning came in the form of a message from political media strategist Morris Katz, who helped get Zohran Mamdani elected mayor of New York City.
Asked for comment about the allegations, the Platner campaign issued a statement — not from the candidate or a spokesperson for his campaign — but from his wife. Gertner’s statement adhered closely to the message she shared in her video.
Booker, a leading Democrat and potential 2028 presidential candidate, explained his position on Platner, saying, “So much is riding on Democrats taking control of the Senate … It’s time we take back the Senate and that’s what I’m focused on.”

Levar Stoney, the former mayor of Richmond, Virginia, said in a post on X: “I can’t help but think that if this candidate were a person of color or a woman, my party would be asking them to consider stepping aside immediately. A Nazi tattoo! Now this. I want Democrats to take back the Senate — but not like this.”
Rhonda Elaine Foxx, a former campaign aide to Joe Biden and Kamala Harris, criticized Platner for leaving it to his wife to address the matter rather than doing it himself. “This is horrific,” she wrote on social media. “Asking her do this is TRASH.”
Platner, who has been engulfed in controversy for months — including over a Nazi-style tattoo he had on his body for many years — became the presumptive Senate Democratic nominee to face Sen. Susan Collins, R-Maine, in November after Maine Gov. Janet Mills dropped out of the race in late April.
Rep. Seth Moulton, D-Mass., appearing on MS NOW’s “Alex Witt Reports” dismissed the issue as one to be resolved privately between Platner and his wife. And he pointed to President Donald Trump’s multiple controversies, which he said are “enabled by Susan Collins.”
Sen. Chris Murphy, D-Conn., told CBS News that Platner has “made mistakes,” but defined the Maine Senate race as “between somebody who has spent his life protecting us versus somebody who seems to be protecting Donald Trump’s corruption.”
Gertner defended her marriage to Platner and said that she and her husband have been working through their issues in counseling. “We work on our mental health every day,” she said.
She called the news reports about her husband’s extramarital sexting “extra shitty” and said she’s “really angry” and “disappointed” by the media coverage about that rather than focusing on Platner’s policy plans. She added that she and her husband “love each other deeply.”
Another congressional Democrat, Rep. Jake Auchincloss of Massachusetts, said last week that Platner’s tattoo resembling a Nazi symbol, which he later covered up, and past comments are reason enough not to support his candidacy.
“I’ve been clear about Graham Platner. I find that tattoo and his commentary about it to be personally disqualifying,” Auchincloss told BLN last week.
Kate Bedingfield, former Biden White House communications director, said on BLN Sunday, “I think there’s a lot about Graham Platner frankly that is unpalatable.” She noted “he was not my choice,” but said it’s up to the voters of Maine to decide whether they want him.
Other Democrats defended Platner after his latest controversy surfaced in news reports. Rep. Ro Khanna, D-Calif., said in a statement on social media that he was proud of Platner for “having the character to stand up against the war in Iran, against genocide, and against an unfair & lopsided economy.”
Asked about the sexting revelations on Sunday, Sen. Andy Kim, D-N.J., told BLN, “I will work with whoever the people of Maine elect, but I hope that they elect somebody that is going to stand up to this president, work with me to be able to fight back against all these dangers.”
While Mills dropped out of the Democratic primary race, she does not appear to have taken the step to have her name removed from the ballot. That means her name will likely still be on the ballot alongside Platner’s in the June 9 primary, which Platner has been widely expected to win.
The second Monday in July is a notable date to watch. According to Maine law5 p.m. on that day is the deadline for a candidate to withdraw for reasons other than “catastrophic” illness, condition, injury or death. If a primary winner withdrew by that time, it would be to the state’s Democratic political committee to nominate a new candidate by the fourth Monday in July.
Hunter Woodall contributed to this report.
Erum Salam is a breaking news reporter for MS NOW, with a focus on how global events and foreign policy shape U.S. politics. She previously was a breaking news reporter for The Guardian.
The Dictatorship
Kash Patel wrongly takes credit for falling crime rates
ByJohn Pfaff
The FBI released a preliminary “First Look” at 2025 crime data this month, which showed significant drops over the year before. Compared to 2024, in 2025, homicides fell close to 20%, total violent crime fell almost 10% and property crime fell over 10%. These results are unequivocally good news, and they make clear that the steady decline in violent crime that began in late 2021 and early 2022 has continued — even into 2026. By and large, the increase in violence that came in the wake of Covid-19 has been more than eliminated, and many cities have seen some of the lowest rates of violence, particularly homicide, in generations.
And the news is actually better than that. The Major Cities Chiefs Association (whose data on big cities tends to track the national trends pretty closely) just released year-to-date data comparing Q1 of 2025 to Q1 of 2026, which showed more big drops. Homicides were down almost 20%, and robberies were down over 20%. Jeff Asher, who runs the Real Time Crime Index, predictedthat in 2026, we could see the lowest recorded homicide rates ever, certainly the lowest in recent memory.
Many cities have seen some of the lowest rates of violence, particularly homicide, in generations.
The FBI under President Donald Trump, however, could not let the crime data stand on its own. The bureau found it necessary to include the overwrought self-aggrandizing commentary that characterizes announcements from this administration. The FBI’s news release quotes beleaguered FBI Director Kash Patel, who said, “Over the last 14 months we made major transformations at the FBI, and these results show those changes are working. This FBI will continue to stack these wins for the American people under President Trump and always Back the Blue every step of the way.” Patel’s emphasis on the FBI in particular, and on “backing the blue” more generally, misstates the likely causes of this decline.
To start, the FBI, no matter its director or the presidential administration, has never been a major driver of crime trends. Structurally, it cannot be. The United States has about 750,000 state- and local-sworn police officers and sheriffs’ deputies. The FBI? It has about 13,500 field agentsi.e., less than 2% of all law enforcement. And the FBI has limited jurisdiction. The feds don’t move the needle much when it comes to local spending, either. Federal grants to local and state law enforcement are about $3 billion to $4 billionagainst state and local spending on police that comes to about $135 billion. So, again, about 2% to 3% of the total. (And most of those grants come from the Justice and Homeland Security departments, not the FBI.)

The FBI has never been large enough to exert a significant effect on crime rates, and under Trump and Patel, it has become smaller still and less focused on crime. Indeed, some of the major “transformations” at the FBI during Trump’s second term have included reducing the workforce by approximately 6%and diverting many of the remaining officers away from investigating things like gun crime to support White House deputy chief of staff Stephen Miller’s violent campaign against generally nonviolent immigrants. Not only has that campaign not made us safer, it may beunderminingefforts to reduce crime.
Making matters worse, Trump has pushed what little money the feds provide local governments away fromsuccessful programs. He has already cut close to $1 billion in grants that fund local programs such as police investigations into sexual violence, child abuse on tribal lands and others for violence interruption programs in cities. This is entirely unsurprising. Those who embrace “tough on crime” rhetoric the way Trump does never seem interested in public safety; rather, they favor using the police to impose social control over disliked groups. The termination of those grants certainly undercuts any claims that the feds deserve credit for a decline in crime. That decline has come despite such policies.
On top of overselling the importance of the feds to the current declines in crime, Patel’s claim that the FBI will “always Back the Blue, every step of the way” oversells the impact of policing of any sort on the decline in crime. Trying to explain any sort of major shift in trends is a risky endeavor, especially in its early days when data is still coming in. But one of the most compelling theories I have seen about the spike in lethal violence during Covid and the sudden rapid decline that followed came from John K. Roman, who linked it to government employmentjust not police employment.
Patel’s claim that the FBI will “always Back the Blue, every step of the way” oversells the impact of policing on the decline in crime.
Roman’s theory, which has numbers to support it, is that local trends in homicide track trends in local, nonpolice government employment: teachers, drug and mental health counselors and all other government employees who, on a daily basis, interact with people at risk of committing violence. As Covid eviscerated local budgets, those people were far more likely than police to find their jobs cut or suspended, and homicides rose with the cuts. As post-Covid budgets recovered (with some federal support, but often more or less on their own) those jobs came back, and homicides fell along with their return.
That is not to say police are irrelevant. But there was little change in police employment over this time. There were, however, substantial changes in nonpolice employment — and changes that track the changes in violence. And strengthening Roman’s argument is extensive evidence that all sorts of nonpolice interventions, including those that would have been reduced or eliminated by Covid-era budget cuts, can have significantly lowercrime.
Crime continuing to fall since the 2020-2021 Covid spike in violence is a remarkable reversal that has gotten a fraction of the attention it deserves and a fraction of the attention the media has paid to the spike itself. But Patel’s FBI has exaggerated its role in that decline and wrongly credited the tough-on-crime-, “back the Blue”-style policing that Trump supports. It’s not surprising that Trump’s administration would take credit for a decline it didn’t cause and likely undermined, but it’s important that the rest of us push back against that narrative and reject the ineffective policies the administration wants us to applaud.

John Pfaff
John Pfaff is a professor of law at the Fordham University School of Law. He is the author of “Locked In: The True Causes of Mass Incarceration and How to Achieve Real Reform.”
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