Politics
Kamala Harris just did what Donald Trump never could
The peaceful transfer of power is back, America.
During her concession speech at Howard University Wednesday afternoon, Vice President Kamala Harris brought back from the dead one of America’s most storied traditions: presidential candidates accepting the results of an electoral defeat, urging their supporters to do the same and promising to cooperate with the incoming administration.
However one feels about a second Trump presidency, Harris’ words are crucially important for the health of American democracy.
“Now, I know folks are feeling and experiencing a range of emotions right now,” Harris said. “I get it, but we must accept the results of this election. Earlier today, I spoke with President-elect Trump and congratulated him on his victory. I also told him that we will help him and his team with their transition, and that we will engage in a peaceful transfer of power.”
The mention of “President-elect Trump” generated a brief smattering of boos, which the vice president ignored. But the words “peaceful transfer of power” triggered cheers from her crestfallen supporters. That matters a lot.
However one feels about a second Trump presidency, Harris’ words are crucially important for the health of American democracy. To various degrees, 2024 will be the first generally accepted presidential election since George H.W. Bush decisively defeated Michael Dukakis in 1988.

A loud and prominent subset of Republicans never accepted the legitimacy of either of Bill Clinton’s elections because he never won an outright majority in the popular vote, mainly because third-party candidate Ross Perot took roughly 18.9% and 8.4% of the popular vote in 1992 and 1996.
Then came 2000, when George W. Bush lost the popular vote but won the Electoral College after the Supreme Court halted Florida’s recount with Bush ahead by 537 votes. Many Democrats never accepted Bush’s legitimacy after that, even when he won re-election in 2004, as a small group of Democrats insisted some vote-counting hanky panky in Ohio unfairly swung the Buckeye State to Bush.
Barack Obama was elected in a popular and electoral landslide in 2008, then handily re-elected in 2012. But a fake conspiracy theory alleging Obama’s foreign birth — a racist lie most prominently amplified by Trump — led millions of Americans to insist Obama’s two decisive victories were actually unconstitutional.
Then there was 2016, when Hillary Clinton lost a seemingly unlosable election to the political novice Trump amid evidence of Russian election interference. Many overwrought Democrats refused to accept the glaring failures of their nominee’s campaign and instead overhyped Trump and Vladimir Putin’s very real and nefarious connections into a fantasy of Trump as a “Manchurian candidate” puppet.
But in all of those elections, the vanquished opponent conceded. And, with the exception of Al Gore in 2000, they conceded quickly. (However, Gore’s eventual concession after the Supreme Court decision gracefully accepted the legitimacy of Bush’s presidency and called for unity among Americans.)
It was only in 2020, when Trump lost a close election — but decisively — that the 220-year-old tradition of peaceful transfer of power was broken. And it was broken for no good reason.
Trump spread lies made up of whole cloth about election fraud that were so baseless that they were rejected by GOP state officials, his own attorney general, his daughter Ivanka and by a Supreme Court with a 6-3 conservative majority (including three Trump appointees). He will now very likely escape prosecution for his attempts to overturn the 2020 election and inciting the Jan. 6, 2021, assault on the U.S. Capitol (and for illegally hoarding national security documents).
Someone had to make a gesture that the rhetorical war that is an election is now over.
In Harris’ case, after running a campaign that correctly made an issue out of the uniquely destructive force Trump has been to the American body politic — including testimonials from his own former Cabinet members that he’s an unhinged fascist — the vice president accepted the will of the people. Much as a defeated Sen. John McCain did in 2008 when he told his supporters that the failing was his and not theirs and called Obama “my president,” Harris made it clear that Trump will be her president — just as he will be for over 300 million Americans.
The fact that the words “peaceful transfer of power” generated applause among Harris’ supporters at Howard says something important about the state of America right now. A defeated Trump would never say those words; we know this because he didn’t when he was defeated. And his supporters would never applaud such a line because Trump convinced them of the big lie that “they” stole the 2020 election.
Someone had to make a gesture that the rhetorical war that is an election is now over. The loser has conceded, for the good of the country, even though the winner never would.
Anthony L. Fisher is a senior editor and writer for BLN Daily. He was previously the senior opinion editor for The Daily Beast and a politics columnist for Business Insider.
Politics
2028 Dem veteran? Uncle Sam wants you.
In the 15 days since President Donald Trump launched Operation Epic Fury on Iran, Sen. Ruben Gallego (D-Ariz.) is approaching nearly a dozen media appearances, offering his often visceral reaction to the conflict.
Gallego, a 46-year-old combat veteran who deployed to Iraq as an infantryman in 2005, has emerged as a blunt, clear voice for the Democratic Party on foreign policy, speaking as someone whose own generation experienced the forever wars.
There he was on BLN’s “The Source with Kaitlin Collins” saying Secretary of State Marco Rubio was doing “CYA” and noting that the “MAGA base is pissed.” There he was sitting down with the AP speaking “as someone who lives with PTSD,” adding “it’s not been an easy week.” And there he was on Derek Thompson’s podcast, speaking about “going town to town searching for insurgents” 21 years ago, “but there was no clear direction of what victory looked like, what the end goal was, what was going to be the after-action report on Iraq.”
Gallego isn’t alone. Sen. Mark Kelly (D-Ariz.), a Navy captain who flew combat missions during Operation Desert Storm in 1990, has also racked up a run of high-profile media appearances, as has former Transportation Secretary Pete Buttigieg, a U.S. Navy Reserve intelligence officer who deployed to Afghanistan. Maryland Gov. Wes Moore, who served in Afghanistan in the Army’s 82nd Airborne, went on local radio this week to link Americans’ affordability woes to the war.
In a year after many Democrats pined for a metaphorical fighter, the party is now having a conversation with itself about whether it needs a literal fighter — a veteran who can speak with credibility on issues of war and national security.
In an interview with Blue Light News, Gallego spoke of “dodging bullets, IEDs, RPGs, clearing towns and then coming back to the same towns with insurgents” and of “losing friends and still not understanding what the end goal was the whole time.”
“It leaves a mark on you, and you start seeing it happening again, you know, you don’t really think about the politics,” Gallego said. “You think about the people who are going to be potentially dying. And that’s why I think I was not hesitant to speak my mind on that.”
Later this month in San Antonio, Texas, Gallego will join VoteVets Action for its third town hall featuring potential 2028 Democratic presidential candidates, promising “fresh voices to the national conversation — those who have worn the uniform and served alongside us, who connect with everyday Americans others can’t,” according to a promotional video. (They’ve also done town halls with Buttigieg and Michigan Sen. Elissa Slotkin.)
“On foreign policy, the Dems need a candidate who is seen as strong/tough — not in rhetoric or bravado political platitudes but who conveys a sense of judgement and resolve with which voters connect instinctively,” said Doug Wilson, the former assistant secretary of Defense for Public Affairs during the Obama administration and co-lead of Buttigieg’s 2020 foreign policy team.
The “Iran war underscores the need” for such a candidate, Wilson added.
Whomever the Democrats select as their nominee could potentially face a Situation Room-steeped ticket deep with national security credentials, including a Marine Iraq war veteran in Vice President JD Vance or Rubio, with his secretary of State experience.
Depending on how the many conflicts the U.S. is engaged in at the moment resolve, that experience could cut against them.
But right now, Democrats who can match those bona fides have some currency others without them can’t.
“That’s obviously going to be helpful to them,” said Matt Bennett, co-founder of the center-left think tank Third Way. “It’s gonna be a big part of what they’re talking about for the next little while. But you know, how long does it last? We just don’t know, right? In my professional lifetime, foreign policy stuff and national security has mattered in a presidential race once — in 2004. That’s it. Otherwise, it comes up, but it’s not driving the conversation.”
Some potential Democratic candidates without such credentials have still managed to break through amid the Iran news cycle. Sen. Jon Ossoff (D-Ga.) has said the White House has treated aspects of the war “as a video game,” in a clip gaining traction on X. “When American service members killed in action are returning to the United States in flagged-draped coffins, and even more Americans have lost limbs or suffered terrible brain injuries or are fighting for their lives, this White House treats war like a game, and it’s a disgrace,” Ossoff said.
When asked whether military service is an essential for the party’s eventual nominee, Gallego acknowledged there is a benefit for someone who can “speak with that type of credibility.”
“I’m not the type of person that’s like, ‘you have to be a veteran — Iraq War veteran,’” Gallego said. “This is a democracy. We’re still one, and there’s a lot of people that can bring valuable experience and knowledge. But you know, someone that actually has a nuanced understanding of foreign policy; that doesn’t go to the total knee-jerk reactionism that sometimes we see where we go to the point of, you know, isolationism; or the other way, where we go to full neocon. There needs to be a very balanced way to how we approach the world.”
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