Congress
How Donald Trump could upend Congress’ next spy-powers fight
Privacy advocates have tried again and again over the past decade to rein in a major U.S. spy program that targets foreigners but also sweeps up data on Americans — and each time, they have fallen short.
They believe 2026 might be different.
The surveillance program in question, known as Section 702, expires in mid-April. Its critics, who believe it too easily allows Americans’ private communications to get caught up in government dragnets meant to ensnare overseas targets, are readying a major push to rewrite the law — and they are hoping they have a crucial new ally in President Donald Trump.
The president has long had an antagonistic relationship with the intelligence community, and some of his closest allies in Congress are among Section 702’s fiercest critics. But persistent lobbying from national security officials and backing from top congressional leaders has been enough to save the program in the past, including during Trump’s first term.
Some of its congressional backers aren’t seeing the same level of engagement this time — at least not yet.
“I spent the last week shaking cages with IC leaders saying, ‘You know, this is going to be a heavy lift,’” said Rep. Jim Himes of Connecticut, the top Democrat on the House Intelligence Committee. “When we reauthorized it last time, Cabinet secretaries were taking random members of Congress out to Starbucks, and I don’t see that effort. So I’m very concerned.”
The bipartisan coalition seeking a sweeping overhaul of the surveillance authority has reasons to be optimistic that Trump might ultimately back their efforts, overruling intelligence officials who have long warned that requiring a warrant to search for any Americans’ data and putting in place other safeguards critics seek would make the program unworkable.
“I think a lot of the rationale that was used against us has just basically dissipated,” said Rep. Andy Biggs (R-Ariz.), who has long pushed for the warrant requirement and continues lobbying various factions for it. “So I think we’re real close to getting some agreements, but right now it’s the warm-up phase.”
Even those who want to keep the current spy authorities intact recognize the president’s potential to swing the debate at the 11th hour.
Trump is “the 800-pound gorilla in the closet,” said one Democratic congressional aide, granted anonymity because they were not authorized to speak publicly about the coming reauthorization fight.
As president in 2020, Trump helped upend three unrelated surveillance programs, all of which ultimately expired, after back-channeling with privacy hawks and breaking with his then-attorney general, Bill Barr.
During the last reauthorization debate in 2024, then-candidate Trump urged Congress to “kill” the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act, the larger spy law that Section 702 is nested under. Trump’s decision frustrated supporters of the program — in part because they believe he conflated the foreign-target spy program with the broader surveillance law that was not up for reauthorization.
A crucial Biggs-sponsored House amendment that would have added a warrant requirement for any communications involving Americans failed on a 212-212 tie, with Speaker Mike Johnson casting a rare and decisive vote to kill it.
Now the spy powers fight is a major headache for Johnson, who infuriated privacy hawks with his 2024 amendment vote after having advocated for more surveillance guardrails as a former member of the Judiciary Committee.
Judiciary Committee Republicans — led by Rep. Jim Jordan of Ohio, a close Trump ally — have started discussing how to approach the reauthorization during their weekly meetings. Jordan said in an interview he is again hoping to impose a warrant requirement for searches involving Americans as well as a ban on data brokers selling consumer information to law enforcement.
He said he has “had some discussions over this past year with some members of the administration” on this issue and plans to meet alongside House Intelligence Committee Chair Rick Crawford (R-Ark.) with White House officials on the matter early next year.
Lawmakers on both sides of the debate are carefully watching Crawford, who opposed the warrant requirement in 2024 — along with every other House Intelligence Committee Republican. But Johnson has since added five Republicans to the panel who each voted for the Biggs amendment.
A committee spokesperson said Crawford is working with House leadership, Jordan, the Senate and the administration “to determine the best way forward to extend 702 authority.”
There are still, however, a majority of Intelligence Committee Republicans who are working to extend the program without adding a warrant requirement — and they are hoping administration officials whom they view as allies, including Vice President JD Vance, CIA Director John Ratcliffe and Secretary of State Marco Rubio, will be able to sway Trump.
“Ultimately the president is going to have to make the decision on it, but I think the people weighing in have a record of not supporting the warrant requirement and knowing it jeopardizes national security,” Rep. Darin LaHood (R-Ill.), an Intelligence Committee member, said in an interview.
Spokespeople for the CIA, National Security Agency and the FBI declined to respond to questions about whether they are in contact with the White House, if they support a clean reauthorization of the current bill, and whether they have engaged with Congress on the issue. The Justice Department, White House and Office of the Director of National Intelligence did not respond to a request for comment.
Some House Republicans are privately hoping that the Senate takes the lead, believing it would be easier to get an extension without major changes across the finish line there. That, they believe, would ease its path to passage on the House side.
Senate Intelligence Committee Chair Tom Cotton (R-Ark.) is quietly pitching an 18-month extension of the authority, effectively punting the surveillance fight until the end of 2027, according to House and Senate Intelligence Committee Republicans. His panel and the Senate Armed Services Committee are expected to hold hearings early next year on Lt. Gen. Joshua Rudd’s nomination as commander of U.S. Cyber Command and director of the National Security Agency.
Those hearings could be the first real indication of how some key lawmakers are approaching the impending reauthorization fight. While some Democrats such as Oregon Sen. Ron Wyden have been longstanding critics of warrantless surveillance, others have generally been more sympathetic to intelligence officials.
But now, with Trump instead of Joe Biden in the White House, that could be changing. For instance, Rep. Jamie Raskin of Maryland was among the majority of Democrats who voted against the warrant requirement amendment in 2024. But during a Judiciary subcommittee hearing this month, Raskin referred to “an assault on the FBI’s internal guardrails against abuse of Section 702 authorities” during Trump’s second term.
“There is an inherent number [of House Democrats] that will reject their ‘yes’ vote and switch just because of Donald Trump,” the Democratic congressional aide said about the warrant requirement. Privacy hawks have also already polled first-term GOP lawmakers to gauge how they might come down, according to one person granted anonymity to discuss the private effort.
Jordan predicted his pro-warrant coalition will “get more Democrat votes this time, and I’m hopeful that we can keep all the Republican votes we had last time.”
Congress
Lawmakers anticipate Trump will seek emergency funding for ‘open-ended’ Iran war
Lawmakers given classified briefings Tuesday evening on the U.S. military conflict in Iran expect President Donald Trump will ask Congress for emergency cash to finance the war.
During the closed-door meetings on Capitol Hill, top Trump administration officials said only that they are considering a supplemental military funding request, according to lawmakers who attended the briefings. But senior intelligence and defense officials described a vast military operation that many members anticipate will require extra funding on top of the nearly $1 trillion Congress has already given the military over the last year.
“I think there will be a supplemental coming,” Sen. Lindsey Graham (R-S.C.) told reporters upon leaving his classified Senate briefing. “We’ll have to approve that.”
Sen. Chris Murphy of Connecticut, the top Democrat on the Senate committee overseeing funding for the Department of Homeland Security, said after the briefing that the military operation “feels like a multitrillion-dollar, open-ended conflict with a very confusing and constantly shifting set of goals” because top Trump administration officials “are refusing to take off the table ground operations.”
Sen. Josh Hawley (R-Mo.) also described the U.S.-Iran conflict as “a massive operation” that’s “rapidly changing.”
“It sounded very open-ended to me,” he added.
Some lawmakers typically opposed to increased spending are open to the idea of providing extra money to fuel the U.S. military’s operation against Iran. “I think it would have support of Republicans,” Sen. Ron Johnson (R-Wis.) said about a supplemental funding request Tuesday night.
“Everybody always wants money, any excuse, whether they’ll need it or not. My guess: They’ll need it,” Johnson continued. “We’re shooting off a lot of ammo. Gotta restock.”
But Democratic votes will be needed to pass any emergency funding package in the Senate, and minority party leaders say they will need far more details from the Trump administration if they are going to consider support for new Pentagon cash.
“Before you can feel satisfied about a supplemental — and I haven’t seen it — you have to know what the real goals are and what the endgame is,” Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer told reporters Tuesday.
Delaware Sen. Chris Coons, a senior Democratic appropriator, said he expects the Pentagon will send Congress a supplemental funding request and vowed to “make sure we are making all the investments we can” to keep U.S. troops safe.
But Coons said Trump administration officials need to testify at an open hearing so “the American people can get questions answered about the failures in planning that led to some of the challenges, losses and mistakes in this war.”
Any supplemental spending package to support the Iran war effort would come on top of the more than $150 billion the Pentagon got from the party-line tax and spending package Republicans enacted last summer and nearly $839 billion in regular funding Congress cleared last month.
The House’s lead Democratic appropriator, Connecticut Rep. Rosa DeLauro, said lawmakers have yet to receive information about how much the Pentagon has spent already.
“They’re talking about a supplemental, but we haven’t got a clue,” DeLauro told reporters after Trump administration officials briefed House lawmakers later Tuesday. “There’s no cost estimate of what they have spent so far. Is there anybody writing down what the hell they’re spending? No.”
Senate Majority Leader John Thune said Tuesday that Republicans “forward-funded” military operations with the party-line package enacted last summer but that lawmakers will be “paying attention” to any need for extra money.
“Not only do we have the resources to conduct the operations right now, but a lot of our allies in the region also have capabilities that are coming to bear now,” Thune said.
Even before the strikes on Iran, Trump was eyeing a massive hike in military spending for the upcoming fiscal year. He pledged to pursue a $1.5 trillion Pentagon budget, a roughly 50 percent increase to military spending.
The president said Tuesday, however, that U.S. military resources are far from depleted.
“We have a virtually unlimited supply of these weapons,” Trump said on social media. “Wars can be fought ‘forever,’ and very successfully, using just these supplies.”
Jordain Carney, Meredith Lee Hill, Connor O’Brien, Joe Gould and Calen Razor contributed to this report.
Congress
House Republicans are publicly cheering Trump’s Iran war. Privately, many are worried.
The vast majority of congressional Republicans are publicly supportive of President Donald Trump’s decision to launch a war on Iran. But many are harboring private misgivings about the risks to American troops and global stability — as well as their own political fortunes — should the military campaign drag on indefinitely.
Trump’s comments this week that the bombing could last “four to five weeks” or more, that he doesn’t care about public polling and that the U.S. will do “whatever” it takes to secure its objectives are among the factors that have put lawmakers on edge.
Some of the anxieties have started emerging publicly.
“The constitutional sequence is, you engage the public before you go to war unless an attack is imminent. And imminent means like, imminent — not like something that’s been over a 47-year period of time,” Rep. Warren Davidson (R-Ohio), a former Army ranger, said Tuesday.
Rep. Eli Crane (R-Ariz.), a combat veteran who served in the Iraq War and has cautioned in the past against regime change efforts, called it “a very dicey, a very dynamic situation right now” on the Charlie Kirk Show Monday while also making clear he would give Trump deference.
“I hope it works out,” he added. “Military operations like this can go sideways so fast, you know, it will make your head spin.”
But a wider group of House Republicans granted anonymity to speak candidly shared deeper concerns about the strikes. All said they would stand with Trump and Speaker Mike Johnson this week to oppose a largely Democratic effort to force votes on restraining the president. But they said their support was not guaranteed over the long term.
“Most Republicans want clear objectives, clearer than they are now,” said one House Republican, who added members have pressed GOP leaders and White House officials to be more consistent in articulating the administration’s military goals.
Another was troubled by Trump’s own shifting statements on when the bombing campaign might wrap up, whether he is seeking the fall of the Islamic regime and whether ground troops might ultimately be necessary.
“Sounds a little bit like President Lyndon Johnson going into Vietnam, doesn’t it?” the lawmaker said.

Trump officials and top House GOP leaders have already moved to ease potential member concerns. Johnson, for instance, said leaving a classified briefing Monday that “the operation will be wound up quickly, by God’s grace and will.”
“That is our prayer for everybody involved,” he added.
A White House memo sent to congressional Republicans Monday outlined several military objectives for the bombing campaign and said Trump should be “commended” for taking on a hostile state sponsor of terrorism.
But despite denying that Trump had acted in pursuit of regime change, the document also said the Iranian regime “would be defeated” and included other contradictory statements about the reasons for the strikes — while trying to sidestep the question of whether the strikes constituted a “war,” a word Trump himself has used.
Beyond the fears of a prolonged military engagement that could be costly in dollars and American lives, Republicans are also facing the prospect of a stock market tumble and rising gas prices that could fall hardest on vulnerable incumbents ahead of the midterms. Many of those members promised their constituents, much as Trump did, that they would not engage in endless war.
The planned Thursday vote on a bipartisan war powers resolution has surfaced some of the GOP discomfort, even as party leaders and White House officials whip members against it — including those most at risk of losing their seats.
Rep. Thomas Massie (R-Ky.), who is co-leading the war powers push with Rep. Ro Khanna (D-Calif.), pointed to the White House memo as further evidence of incoherence on the administration’s part.
“So they’re going to defeat a terrorist regime that rules a country of 90 million people, but that’s not war?” he said in an interview.

Also raising concerns in advance of the vote is Davidson, who has long railed against extended U.S. wars abroad. He said in a social media post Monday it was “troubling” that Secretary of State Marco Rubio said Monday that an imminent Israeli attack on Iran forced the U.S. to strike. He also raised concerns to reporters Tuesday about some of the administration’s claims.
House Intelligence Chair Rick Crawford (R-Ark.) said in an interview Tuesday he didn’t think the war powers vote was necessary and that Trump was operating within his legal authority.
The vote, he said, was “a way for individuals to sort of register their displeasure or make a political statement.”
Even if the war powers measure is defeated, some Republicans say an effort to restrain Trump could reemerge if the conflict drags on or Trump commits ground troops to the conflict. “If we’re talking months, not weeks, then you will see another vote,” said a third House Republican who added that Trump had some “leeway” for now.
Johnson, meanwhile, is channeling any intraparty concerns about Trump’s war into another vote this week on a stalled Homeland Security spending bill — an attempt to keep the focus on Democrats’ opposition to funding for TSA, FEMA and other agencies as a department shutdown approaches the three-week mark.
He is also arguing, as he told reporters after a classified briefing Monday, that the war powers vote is “dangerous” at a moment when U.S. troops were in harm’s way and that Republicans would act to “put it down.” The strikes, Johnson added, did not need advance congressional approval because they were “defensive in nature.”
Those arguments have resonated with most House Republicans, who say they’re willing to give the president time.
“I think so far, the Pentagon seems to have a good plan,” said Rep. Jeff Crank (R-Colo.), a member of the Armed Services Committee who said he would give Trump “six weeks or … eight weeks or whatever we need to accomplish the missions that we set out.”
“The worst thing we could do is go in and then … to pull back or cut short, whatever our objectives are,” he added. “We’re there. We need to get the objectives finished.”
Congress
Former White House counsel Kathryn Ruemmler called to testify in House Oversight’s Epstein investigation
The House Oversight and Government Reform Committee is requesting that Kathryn Ruemmler, the former White House counsel under President Barack Obama and the exiting top lawyer at Goldman Sachs, speak with investigators about her relationship with convicted sex offender Jeffrey Epstein.
Ruemmler will soon resign from Goldman Sachs amid the mounting scrutiny over her close relationship with Epstein. Material released by the Justice Department revealed that Epstein called her when he was arrested for sex crimes.
“Due to public reporting, documents released by the Department of Justice, and documents obtained by the Committee, the Committee believes you have information that will assist in its investigation,” said Oversight Chair James Comer in a letter to Ruemmler obtained by Blue Light News.
He requested that she appear for a transcribed interview on the morning of April 21, but that date could be subject to change.
Goldman Sachs declined to comment. Ruemmler, through a spokesperson, has said she regrets knowing Epstein. She has not been charged with any misconduct.
The letter was reported earlier by The Wall Street Journal.
Ruemmler is one of a number of powerful public figures in the U.S. who has faced consequences for their relationships with Epstein.
Brad Karp, the former chair of the legal giant Paul Weiss, left his post atop the firm amid the fallout over his communications with Epstein.
Earlier Tuesday, Comer announced Commerce Secretary Howard Lutnick has agreed to speak with his panel after correspondence released by DOJ showed that Lutnick maintained ties to Epstein following the disgraced financier’s 2008 sex crime conviction.
Lutnick has not been charged with any wrongdoing.
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