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GOP leaders eye a spending punt into 2026

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Republican congressional leaders are making plans for a new spending punt as the shutdown drags on, and any new version is likely to postpone the next deadline until 2026.

House and Senate GOP leaders are debating a wide range of options for a new continuing resolution to fund the government, given that their current preferred vehicle funds the government only through Nov. 21. The most likely option would run into mid to late January, according to three people granted anonymity to describe the private conversations.

House Majority Leader Steve Scalise confirmed Wednesday that a longer stopgap is under consideration, but he insisted it wouldn’t jam lawmakers up against a holiday deadline. His comments come after GOP hard-liners warned privately that they will not accept a December deadline, preferring April or later.

“Democrats love the Christmas Eve, you know, omnibus bad deal. We’re not going to do that,” Scalise told reporters Wednesday.

President Donald Trump will have to muscle any reworked CR through Congress, and his sign-off will be key. While hard-liners want a longer horizon, appropriators who are trying to craft new full-year spending bills want a shorter deadline. Speaker Mike Johnson has criticized stopgap bills in the past, at one point saying he was presiding over his last CR, only to pass several more since.

Rep. Beth Van Duyne (R-Texas), who was critical of leadership messaging on the shutdown on a Tuesday GOP conference call, said in an interview Wednesday she is wary of voting for any additional continuing resolutions.

“As far as the CR, I was reticent to vote for it to begin with, because I don’t like the spending limits that have been set up by Democrats — I have voted against those spending limits,” Van Duyne said. “So I don’t think that the Democrats, who are voting against this, understand the gift that they were handed.”

Asked about a revised bill with a longer deadline, she said, “I can’t tell you how I’m going to vote on legislation I haven’t seen.”

House Ways and Means Chair Jason Smith (R-Mo.) in a Bloomberg interview Wednesday floated a stopgap into December 2026, an unusually long measure that would extend past the start of the next fiscal year — and the midterm elections.

GOP appropriators are certain to balk at a punt of that length and are floating their own, shorter timelines. Senate Appropriations Chair Susan Collins (R-Maine) said in an interview earlier this week she would be wary of going much past the end of this year.

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Congress

‘Many families are struggling’

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Rep. Lisa McClain of Michigan offered a rare acknowledgment from a GOP leader Tuesday that the U.S. economy might not be in tip-top condition. McClain, the Republican Conference chair, said at a news conference that “even with bigger [tax] refunds, many families are struggling right now, and I get it.”

That’s a departure from the message President Donald Trump sent at a event in Las Vegas last week, where he said “everything’s doing really well” and played down the impact of higher energy prices since he ordered military strikes on Iran.

“But we also owe it to the American people to be honest about how we got here, to make sure we don’t ever go back again,” McClain, the No. 4 party leader added, saying Americans are “digging out of a hole” from former President Joe Biden’s administration.

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Capitol agenda: Trump-Powell clash hijacks Warsh hearing

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A bitter spat is set to dominate Kevin Warsh’s confirmation hearing Tuesday morning.

It’s not the economic outlook or bank regulation. The real focus for Senate Banking members vetting Warsh to be the next Federal Reserve chair will be President Donald Trump, his yearslong campaign to oust Jerome Powell and whether his DOJ will drop a Fed probe that threatens to derail Warsh’s confirmation indefinitely.

“The president’s current nominee will be ultimately confirmed,” Sen. John Kennedy said Monday. “In what decade that happens, I’m not sure.”

Sen. Thom Tillis, who is single-handedly holding up Warsh until the DOJ matter is tossed, appears to have no further questions for him. Tillis has said Warsh is a good pick.

“I’m not going to spend much time talking to Kevin,” the retiring North Carolina Republican said Monday. “I’m going to start talking about what a bogus investigation Powell is subject to.”

Warsh plans to be somewhat explicit about where he’d try to insulate himself from Trump’s wishes and where he wouldn’t.

According to prepared testimony, Warsh will say that the Fed should be “strictly independent” when it comes to interest rates. But that deference would not apply in other areas, including bank regulation and the “stewardship of public monies.”

He’ll indirectly downplay Trump’s influence and argue that the Fed’s autonomy is not “particularly threatened” when elected officials weigh in on rates. He’ll also reassure markets that he’s still committed to keeping inflation under control.

Democrats, who are planning to focus on Warsh’s large and somewhat opaque financial holdings, will likely be unmoved. So in the end, it will probably come down to how soon Trump is willing to drop his campaign against Powell and unlock Tillis’ vote.

“We’re still trying to work through it,” Tillis said Monday.

What else we’re watching:

DHS funding: Senate Budget Chair Lindsey Graham is expected to release the text of a budget resolution that would direct the Judiciary and Homeland Security Committees to draft long-term funding legislation for immigration enforcement.

Expulsion looms for SCM: The House could expel Rep. Sheila Cherfilus-McCormick as early as Wednesday, after House Ethics meets Tuesday afternoon to decide her punishment for a range of violations.

Victoria Guida, Sam Sutton, Jasper Goodman, Jordain Carney, Meredith Lee Hill and Hailey Fuchs contributed to this report.

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This is how Democrats say Oversight Republicans are trying to squash the Epstein investigation

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Members of both parties have for months been hijacking House Oversight Committee business to call votes on subpoenas for high-profile figures in the Jeffrey Epstein investigation — and Democrats say chair James Comer has quietly instituted a new strategy to contain the practice.

The Kentucky Republican’s workaround, they allege, is to hold “roundtables” on various issues within the panel’s jurisdiction rather than hearings. Roundtables are more informal and don’t permit members to offer motions to subpoena witnesses during unrelated committee business, as is allowed during hearings.

Over the past year, some GOP members have joined with Democrats to take advantage of the panel’s subpoena rules. In July, they voted on a surprise motion to release the full Epstein files when top congressional Republicans were dragging their feet. Lawmakers also compelled now-former Attorney General Pam Bondi to testify and were prepared to haul in Commerce Secretary Howard Lutnick, too, before he said he would appear before the committee voluntarily.

This trend is outlined in a new memo prepared by Oversight Democratic staff, obtained by Blue Light News, which claims that by moving to roundtables, Republicans “are avoiding the only forum where Democrats can force votes, demand documents, and hold the majority accountable.”

“We’ve heard from committee members, both Republicans and Democrats, that they are frustrated,” Rep. Robert Garcia, the top Democrat on the committee, said in an interview Monday. “We have important investigative work, and they want to do this right as we are in the middle of this single, largest government cover-up in the modern history of the Congress. And they want to neuter the Oversight Committee. Give me a break.”

A spokesperson for Oversight Republicans, when reached for comment, did not address a question about whether the uptick in roundtables was intended to prevent subpoena votes. The spokesperson said the panel “continues to hold many hearings” and will host a markup on fraud prevention legislation next week.

“Roundtables provide opportunities to have more substantive and direct conversations with ordinary Americans about issues facing communities across the U.S.,” the spokesperson said.

But the members’ subpoena free-for-all over the past nine months has undoubtedly created a complicated political dynamic for Comer. He has become the de facto leader of the congressional Epstein probe, forcing him to balance calls for transparency with the political fallout of Trump’s onetime relationship with the late, convicted sex offender.

Republicans have noticed the connection between the spike in subpoenas and the subsequent increase in roundtables in lieu of hearings.

Rep. Glenn Grothman (R-Wis.), during a March subcommittee roundtable on mental health issues, at one point said, “It’s no secret why we are not doing a formal hearing today. We’d like this hearing to be solely focused on the issue before you, and there is some concern that — both parties are guilty of this — that they make motions in the middle of the hearing and try to bring up unrelated topics.”

Republicans have also gone on subpoena sprees of their own, most notably by forcing the February depositions of Bill and Hillary Clinton.

Rep. Anna Paulina Luna (R-Fla.) suggested she wasn’t happy about the new status quo.

While stopping short of criticizing roundtables directly, she said in an interview, “I am a fan of committees that like to do the motions to subpoena.”

The last full-committee hearing convened by House Oversight was in March, on fraud in Minnesota. At that hearing, Republican Rep. Nancy Mace of South Carolina forced a vote to subpoena Bondi for her handling of the federal Epstein investigation. Five Republicans joined all Democrats present in voting for the subpoena motion, and Bondi’s recent ouster isn’t quelling calls for her to appear before the panel under oath.

Since that time, first lady Melania Trump delivered a public statement denying she was ever victimized by Epstein and urging Congress to hold hearings with true victims — an entreaty that could resonate with Mace and others who are bought into the subpoena exercise, though Comer has indicated he plans on having such hearings.

In the meantime, Oversight subcommittees have held five roundtables this year alone on topics such as artificial intelligence and the Internal Revenue Service. The full committee is scheduled to convene a sixth roundtable Tuesday morning addressing “lawfare against American agriculture.”

That’s compared to the two subcommittee roundtables listed for all of 2025; Comer hosted no full committee roundtables since becoming chair in 2023, the panel’s website shows.

Several Oversight Republicans said in interviews they appreciate the opportunity to examine policy areas without the partisan mudslinging and subpoena distractions that Oversight has become known for this term.

“When you’re really trying to get to the bottom of something, it’s a much more conducive way of doing it,” said Rep. Eric Burlison (R-Mo.).

Rep. Clay Higgins (R-La.) argued during a recent committee hearing on the misuse of federal funds in Minnesota that the subpoena-happy approach taken by his colleagues is undermining the seriousness of the panel’s work.

“Listen to your Uncle Clay, America — you don’t just normally start out with a subpoena introduced as a vote by a member,” Higgins said. “I object to this process that is false and not reflective of the serious investigative work that the Oversight committee performs day in and day out.”

“Very well said,” Comer replied.

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