Politics
DNC candidates rip ‘DC insiders’ in first chair’s race forum
Candidates vying to lead the Democratic National Committee have found a common enemy: the D.C. consultant.
In the first DNC-sanctioned forum in the body’s low-profile race for chair on Saturday, DNC candidates channeled their frustration at the “D.C. insiders,” whom New York state Sen. James Skoufis vowed to “kick to the curb.” Minnesota Democratic-Farmer-Labor Party Chair Ken Martin pledged the “D.C. consultants” will “be gone when I’m there.” And Wisconsin Democratic Party Chair Ben Wikler promised he’d go into 2025 “with no commitments to anyone who’s been on a campaign payroll before.”
It’s a sign of the times for a party that burned through some $1.5 billion in the final months of the campaign, only to come up short against President-elect Donald Trump. As the party still searches for answers to its devastating losses in 2024, consultants became the punching bag while the DNC candidates largely avoided sparring with one another. They all agreed that the party needed to reground its identity with the working class and commit to a permanent campaign infrastructure across the country. But any light attacks — of which there were a few — came without names attached.
Saturday’s forum was the first of four meetings scheduled in January ahead of a Feb. 1 DNC chair election, the first big decision Democrats will make to redefine their party in the second Trump era.
Here are five takeaways from the virtual forum:
Paging Jaime Harrison
The candidates may have spent much of their 90-minute debate attacking D.C., but nearly all of them committed to moving to the capital if elected. It’s a question that had been percolating for weeks among DNC members, many of whom have been frustrated by the sitting DNC Chair Jaime Harrison’s decision to stay in South Carolina during his tenure.
Former Maryland Gov. Martin O’Malley said “leaders lead from the front, and they have to be present in the center of the circle,” while Skoufus, the only sitting elected official running, said he would step down from the New York state Senate because “the next DNC chair must be fully committed.”
But Wikler, who has a young family in Wisconsin, didn’t commit to a move. He said he planned to keep a “congressional schedule” and be in D.C. “on a regular basis,” but “I think there’s strength that comes from being in a place where Democrats don’t win every election a lot of the time.”
A mostly white, mostly male field of “dudes”
Across the forum’s hovering video-conference boxes on YouTube, it was hard to miss: The eight-member field of candidates are mostly white and mostly male. Aside from former Democratic presidential candidate Marianne Williamson and entrepreneur Quintessa Hathaway, the competitors for chair come nowhere close to reflecting the diversity of the larger party.
It’s a fact that irks some Democrats — that the field is not more reflective of the party as a whole.
“When you look at our party, and you look at the elected officials who have actually, like, gotten stuff done and accomplished difficult things in difficult states, none of them are involved in this conversation,” said Democratic campaign veteran Caitlin Legacki, who cautioned her comments were not targeted at the men in the field but a broader observation. “There are no women involved in this conversation. All of our biggest, most high profile pundits are dudes. All of the senators that are writing op-eds about the future of our party are dudes. And then you’ve got these candidates for DNC are dudes.”
She’s back

Williamson, the bestselling self-help author, is bringing her woo-woo brand of politics to the chair’s race.
Like her 2020 and 2024 bids, she has almost no chance of winning. But at least she makes it interesting. Williamson presented herself as the kind of spiritual healer the party needs, noting that she’s “worked very up close and personal with people whose lives were in trouble, they were sick and they didn’t have health care, they lacked opportunities, educational and economic, and they did not feel seen by the political class.”
Williamson brandished her iconoclastic bonafides saying that the DNC failed to push a “robust primary” last year, calling it the biggest mistake that the body made.
“In the name of saving democracy,” she said, “we ourselves suppressed democracy.”
It’s the economy, stupid
Plenty of lip service was paid to what Democrats broadly believe was one of the core reasons for their electoral downfall last year: the party’s economic messaging — or lack thereof.
O’Malley pegged Democrats’ disconnect from Americans’ kitchen tables as the party’s “biggest mistake.” Wikler lamented that “there were millions of Americans who didn’t know that we were fighting for working families.” And Martin decried voters’ perceptions that Republicans, not Democrats, best represent the working class — a concept he said was only reinforced by Democrats’ over-performance with wealthy households and college-educated voters — as a “damning indictment of our party brand.”
But they weren’t offering many concrete solutions to bring those voters back to the fold on Saturday — a sign that while Democrats have diagnosed a major flaw in their messaging, they’ve yet to figure out how to fix it. That’s a major potential problem for the party, with Trump poised to take credit for an economy that began improving under President Joe Biden.
O’Malley called for the next DNC chair to “reassert our dedication” to being a party focused on people’s economic security. Martin said the solution lay in year-round organizing in key communities. And Wikler’s suggestion for a course-correction: “communicate everywhere” from conservative media to nontraditional platforms.
So much for the resistance.
For a party that has spent much of the past decade running explicitly against Trump, the candidates vying to lead the DNC had little to say about the incoming president.
Call it a sign of the times.
Sure, O’Malley closed by saying the next DNC chair needs to “take on Trump and save our Republic.” And Skoufis repeatedly referenced lessons he’s learned from running and winning in a state Senate district Trump easily carried.
But as Democrats recalibrate their resistance to Trump to reflect the changed political landscape between his two terms, it appears the people looking to lead the party’s next chapter are taking note.
Politics
Trump’s grip on the party threatens his grasp of Congress
President Donald Trump has finally delivered on his promise a decade ago: He has made Republicans “so sick and tired of winning.”
The winning — a series of retributive primary challenges this month that settled scores up to five years old — has led to a fresh round of chest-thumping from MAGA allies boasting about their victories in Indiana, Louisiana and Kentucky.
Trump ended his vendetta spring Tuesday by dropping a two-stage MAGA bomb, backing Attorney General Ken Paxton for Senate in Texas on the same day he ushered Rep. Thomas Massie to the exits in Kentucky.
But the revenge tour is increasingly imperiling Trump’s midterm agenda on Blue Light News.
That’s because for every apostate ousted by Trump this month, there’s a sign of not only his waning political capital on Blue Light News, but that his backward-focused endeavors have damaged his own legislative ambitions, leaving him a victim of his own primary success.
“Those so-called victories over the last couple weeks are just a mirage. They are self-owns,” said one senior Senate Republican operative, granted anonymity to speak candidly about frustration with the White House. “We’re not actually beating Democrats, and we’re not actually advancing legislation. Instead, gas is up 45% due to our actions and the President’s decision to go to war with Iran. He’s focused on the ballroom. He’s announced a $1.8 billion restitution fund with zero details or congressional authority to do so. It just is crazy.”
In just one day, a conquered — and, consequently, unbridled — Sen. Bill Cassidy joined Democrats to become the 50th yes vote on a war powers resolution, opposed Trump’s ballroom funding in reconciliation and called Trump’s freshly picked Paxton a “felon.” And that was just day three of Cassidy unchained.
Cassidy is not alone. Trump’s ballroom funding is stalled, the SAVE America Act is mired in the Senate and Majority Leader John Thune is pushing back on his desire to fire the parliamentarian. That’s not to mention the pushback even from the likes of the friendlier senator from Louisiana, John Kennedy, who expressed doubt about the Justice Department’s $1.8 billion Anti-Weaponization Fund.
“There are still many, many months to go before the election, and this president is going to have to continue to deal and work with, and partner with, or battle with this group of lawmakers,” Sen. Lisa Murkowski of Alaska told reporters Tuesday. “Even though Bill Cassidy lost his primary, he is still a voting member of the Senate until January. … So the president may have just opened some opportunities for people.”
Now Cornyn could join their ranks. After Trump endorsed Paxton, the senior Texas senator faces increasingly slim chances of surviving next week’s runoff election. Should he lose, Cornyn will be liberated to vote his conscience — unmoved by threats of further political vengeance from Trump — for the final months of his term.
“What is the return on investment for Trump?” said Greg Lamantia, a Texas businessman who supports Cornyn, about Trump’s Paxton endorsement. “I don’t understand why you take this risk, versus sitting back and doing nothing. Now you’ve created an enemy for six months, when you have a razor-thin majority.”
The White House did not respond to a request for comment.
Come November, if Paxton loses to state Rep. James Talarico, this week and Trump feeling himself after victories in Indiana and Louisiana could be remembered as the week where he overreached.
“Some of the issues I hear about when I’m at home in the grocery store, in the hardware store, are not the same issues we’re talking about in Washington, so I think it’s really important that we prioritize what people are talking about,” said Sen. Cynthia Lummis (R-Wyo).
That daylight between Trump’s priorities and the top issues for voters is widening. The economy and cost of living remain voters’ top priorities, even as patience for the Iran war wavers. And though Trump has flexed his electoral muscle in primary after primary, his endorsement may hurt more than it helps in battleground races this November, according to a recent analysis from The POLITICO Poll.
“It seems to me his agenda is mostly vengeance,” said former Sen. Jeff Flake (R-Ariz.), who spent 15 months as a vocal Trump critic after deciding not to run for reelection during Trump’s first term. “It’s not just those that he’s going after he’s gonna have to deal with — Massie and Cornyn and Cassidy — it’s anybody who’s gotten past the filing deadline, or past their primary, and realizing that supporting a lot of what he wants is not good for the general election.”
At the end of a month that put on full display Trump’s dominance over his own party, his season of settling scores may not have advanced the ball toward November.
That dynamic could pose a problem for Republicans, Missouri Sen. Josh Hawley told Blue Light News. “Congress doesn’t do much,” he said.
“In November, voters are going to say to Congress, ‘What have you done for me?’ And it’s not going to be enough to say that, ‘Well, you know, we liked some stuff President Trump did, but we didn’t do any of it,’” Hawley said. “I mean, we better do some stuff.”
What does it mean that Trump has vanquished his foes at the expense of his own agenda?
“It means President Trump and his team have completely lost sight of how DC operates and why the American people elected him in the first place,” said the senior Senate Republican operative.
Last year, chief of staff Susie Wiles told Vanity Fair that she had a “loose agreement that the score settling will end before the first 90 days are over.” That was 395 days ago.
Dasha Burns and Ali Bianco contributed to this report.
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