Politics
DNC candidates rip ‘DC insiders’ in first chair’s race forum
Candidates vying to lead the Democratic National Committee have found a common enemy: the D.C. consultant.
In the first DNC-sanctioned forum in the body’s low-profile race for chair on Saturday, DNC candidates channeled their frustration at the “D.C. insiders,” whom New York state Sen. James Skoufis vowed to “kick to the curb.” Minnesota Democratic-Farmer-Labor Party Chair Ken Martin pledged the “D.C. consultants” will “be gone when I’m there.” And Wisconsin Democratic Party Chair Ben Wikler promised he’d go into 2025 “with no commitments to anyone who’s been on a campaign payroll before.”
It’s a sign of the times for a party that burned through some $1.5 billion in the final months of the campaign, only to come up short against President-elect Donald Trump. As the party still searches for answers to its devastating losses in 2024, consultants became the punching bag while the DNC candidates largely avoided sparring with one another. They all agreed that the party needed to reground its identity with the working class and commit to a permanent campaign infrastructure across the country. But any light attacks — of which there were a few — came without names attached.
Saturday’s forum was the first of four meetings scheduled in January ahead of a Feb. 1 DNC chair election, the first big decision Democrats will make to redefine their party in the second Trump era.
Here are five takeaways from the virtual forum:
Paging Jaime Harrison
The candidates may have spent much of their 90-minute debate attacking D.C., but nearly all of them committed to moving to the capital if elected. It’s a question that had been percolating for weeks among DNC members, many of whom have been frustrated by the sitting DNC Chair Jaime Harrison’s decision to stay in South Carolina during his tenure.
Former Maryland Gov. Martin O’Malley said “leaders lead from the front, and they have to be present in the center of the circle,” while Skoufus, the only sitting elected official running, said he would step down from the New York state Senate because “the next DNC chair must be fully committed.”
But Wikler, who has a young family in Wisconsin, didn’t commit to a move. He said he planned to keep a “congressional schedule” and be in D.C. “on a regular basis,” but “I think there’s strength that comes from being in a place where Democrats don’t win every election a lot of the time.”
A mostly white, mostly male field of “dudes”
Across the forum’s hovering video-conference boxes on YouTube, it was hard to miss: The eight-member field of candidates are mostly white and mostly male. Aside from former Democratic presidential candidate Marianne Williamson and entrepreneur Quintessa Hathaway, the competitors for chair come nowhere close to reflecting the diversity of the larger party.
It’s a fact that irks some Democrats — that the field is not more reflective of the party as a whole.
“When you look at our party, and you look at the elected officials who have actually, like, gotten stuff done and accomplished difficult things in difficult states, none of them are involved in this conversation,” said Democratic campaign veteran Caitlin Legacki, who cautioned her comments were not targeted at the men in the field but a broader observation. “There are no women involved in this conversation. All of our biggest, most high profile pundits are dudes. All of the senators that are writing op-eds about the future of our party are dudes. And then you’ve got these candidates for DNC are dudes.”
She’s back

Williamson, the bestselling self-help author, is bringing her woo-woo brand of politics to the chair’s race.
Like her 2020 and 2024 bids, she has almost no chance of winning. But at least she makes it interesting. Williamson presented herself as the kind of spiritual healer the party needs, noting that she’s “worked very up close and personal with people whose lives were in trouble, they were sick and they didn’t have health care, they lacked opportunities, educational and economic, and they did not feel seen by the political class.”
Williamson brandished her iconoclastic bonafides saying that the DNC failed to push a “robust primary” last year, calling it the biggest mistake that the body made.
“In the name of saving democracy,” she said, “we ourselves suppressed democracy.”
It’s the economy, stupid
Plenty of lip service was paid to what Democrats broadly believe was one of the core reasons for their electoral downfall last year: the party’s economic messaging — or lack thereof.
O’Malley pegged Democrats’ disconnect from Americans’ kitchen tables as the party’s “biggest mistake.” Wikler lamented that “there were millions of Americans who didn’t know that we were fighting for working families.” And Martin decried voters’ perceptions that Republicans, not Democrats, best represent the working class — a concept he said was only reinforced by Democrats’ over-performance with wealthy households and college-educated voters — as a “damning indictment of our party brand.”
But they weren’t offering many concrete solutions to bring those voters back to the fold on Saturday — a sign that while Democrats have diagnosed a major flaw in their messaging, they’ve yet to figure out how to fix it. That’s a major potential problem for the party, with Trump poised to take credit for an economy that began improving under President Joe Biden.
O’Malley called for the next DNC chair to “reassert our dedication” to being a party focused on people’s economic security. Martin said the solution lay in year-round organizing in key communities. And Wikler’s suggestion for a course-correction: “communicate everywhere” from conservative media to nontraditional platforms.
So much for the resistance.
For a party that has spent much of the past decade running explicitly against Trump, the candidates vying to lead the DNC had little to say about the incoming president.
Call it a sign of the times.
Sure, O’Malley closed by saying the next DNC chair needs to “take on Trump and save our Republic.” And Skoufis repeatedly referenced lessons he’s learned from running and winning in a state Senate district Trump easily carried.
But as Democrats recalibrate their resistance to Trump to reflect the changed political landscape between his two terms, it appears the people looking to lead the party’s next chapter are taking note.
Politics
Republicans need Susan Collins to win reelection. Trump keeps going after her.
Donald Trump said Thursday a Republican senator who is crucial to the party’s chances of keeping the Senate this year should “never be elected to office again.” Susan Collins has seen it before.
Trump issued the Truth Social broadside against the longtime Maine senator and four other Republicans on Thursday after they voted with Democrats to rein in his powers to carry out future military actions against Venezuela, a sharp rebuke of the White House’s unilateral outlook following the capture of Nicolás Maduro.
The president’s online salvo comes as the Maine senator navigates a tough reelection in a blue state that Trump lost by 7 points in 2024. Her bid will rely on a coalition that includes independents and Democrats, many of whom have backed her in the past because of her breaks from Trump and other GOP leaders. But she also needs to turn out Trump’s MAGA base in a year he won’t be on the ticket to juice turnout — a tougher challenge if they’re actively feuding.
Collins told reporters after Trump’s post that she guessed Trump “would prefer to have Gov. Mills or somebody else with whom he’s not had a great relationship” than her — alluding to a confrontation between Maine Gov. Janet Mills and Trump when the governor visited the White House last year. Mills, who is now running to challenge Collins, told Trump she would sue to fight his administration’s actions to restrict transgender youth from sports.
Trump’s attack on Collins was met with laughs from Democrats who said that they, too, would like to see Collins never elected again. She is their top target on a tough Senate map, and if they have any hopes of flipping the upper chamber they need to defeat the shrewd senator.
Mills painted the vote as one of election-year political expediency.
“Susan never does the right or hard thing the first time when it’s needed most — only when it serves her politically. She is always a day late and a dollar short,” Mills said in a statement to Blue Light News. “To the President, I say ‘See you in the Senate!’ Wait until you see what I’ve got in store for your MAGA agenda.”
The campaign of Graham Platner, the other prominent Democrat challenging Collins, did not respond to requests for comment.
Trump’s anger at fellow Republicans has been enough to drive others from office. There is no indication so far the White House is serious about finding a primary challenger to Collins, and they are quickly running out of time if they were to try to do so. But any sustained animosity from Trump toward Collins could still spell trouble for her reelection.
A source close to the Trump administrations granted anonymity to speak candidly told Blue Light News that the general thinking is Republicans will hold the Senate with or without Collins, but didn’t predict a sustained campaign against her: “Like a lot with the president, this is a moment in time, and what is said today does not necessarily hold for tomorrow.”
This is far from the first time Trump has gone after Collins. And criticism from the president ahead of her last reelection bid in 2020 was not enough to tank her.
“Trump has caused no end of problems for Sen. Collins,” said Mary Small, a Republican former state lawmaker in Maine and Collins ally. “I think she’d be in the 70th percentile right now of approval rating if we didn’t have Donald Trump as president. So she’s had to walk a very cautious line.”
Still, blowback from voters loyal to Trump in Maine might be offset by independents and Democrats who appreciate Collins setting her own path, Small said.
“Republicans have never been able to elect someone just on their own,” she said. “She has to have independents support her to get elected, and Democrats.”
Some who’ve been in similar spots say that’s not so easy to manage.
Mike Coffman, the Aurora, Colorado mayor and former five-term GOP congressman, empathized with Collins’ tricky electoral position. Coffman kept Trump at arm’s length during his 2018 reelection bid in hopes of siphoning Democrat support in his swing district, but it wasn’t enough: He lost that race to Democratic Rep. Jason Crow by 11 points in a state that voted for Democratic presidential nominee Hillary Clinton two years prior.
“That’s very hard to navigate,” Coffman said of Collins’ relationship to the president. “Because when you distance yourself from Trump you might pick up some support in the middle but you’re going to lose the hardcore Trump supporters whose loyalty is to Trump and not to the Republican Party.”
In Trump’s first term, Collins broke with Senate Republicans to help sink the attempted Affordable Care Act repeal. Then, weeks before the 2020 election — the toughest reelect campaign of her career — Trump blasted her for not supporting his nomination of Amy Coney Barrett to the Supreme Court. (Collins argued the winner of the 2020 presidential election should get to appoint a new justice.)
Collins still sailed to victory a few weeks later, winning 52 percent of the vote statewide while Trump won just 44 percent.
Democrats are hopeful that the 2026 midterms won’t let her replicate that success. Collins has not had to run for reelection in a midterm with a Republican president since 2002. Trump’s approval rating was 19 points underwater in a Maine poll last month, while Collins didn’t fare much better, at 17 points underwater. That same poll found her tied with both Mills and Platner in hypothetical general election matchups.
When Collins voted in 2021 to convict Trump in his second Senate impeachment trial, she avoided some of the blowback that other GOP senators encountered: Maine Republicans opted not to censure her. No primary challengers have emerged ahead of her 2026 run, with some in the state acknowledging that any alternative to Collins was far more likely to be a Democrat than another Republican.
That hasn’t stopped Trump from criticizing Collins. Just last summer, he posted on Truth Social that Republicans should typically vote “the exact opposite” of the Maine senator, while White House officials privately discussed who they might want to replace her if she opted not to run again.
Former GOP Sen. Mark Kirk, who distanced himself from Trump before losing a Senate race in blue-leaning Illinois in 2016, said he thinks Collins’ longtime popularity in the state will outweigh any attacks from the president. He recalled joking with Collins during a congressional delegation trip overseas about her winning one of her Senate primaries by a “North Korean percentage.”
“Susan Collins has reached that state of nirvana that all of us in the Senate want to reach, to be synonymous with her state,” Kirk said.
“People will say ‘Well, if Donald Trump’s against her, then I’m gonna vote for her,” he added. “My guess is on edge, he will have actually helped her with this.”
Alex Gangitano contributed reporting to this report.
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