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Darline Graham’s challenge: Carry her brother’s legacy while charting her own

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Darline Graham was appointed to her late brother’s Senate seat to carry on his legacy — but Republicans don’t expect her to follow his exact same trajectory.

In the handful of statements, interviews and news conferences since Lindsey Graham’s sudden death on July 11, Darline Graham has emphasized that while the two siblings were shaped by the same shared history, she will bring her own style and interests to the Senate.

Her lack of political experience and public exposure, however, has left few clues for deciphering how she’ll approach her new job. It’s relevant now as the younger Graham has quickly shown she’s not just a caretaker finishing out the last few months of her brother’s term, but also a politician launching a campaign for a full six-year stint.

That means she’ll have to thread a tricky political needle as she works to honor Lindsey Graham’s memory by trying to get some of his biggest pet projects passed — while also moving swiftly to build her profile as she competes in a crowded Republican primary this August with President Donald Trump’s blessing.

“Darline Graham is going to be an outstanding continuation of Lindsey Graham’s work for South Carolina, plus more,” Senate Majority Whip John Barrasso told reporters. “She has a very good finger on the pulse of what the people of South Carolina care about.”

Barrasso pointed to her work in “human needs” — a nod to her previous leadership of the South Carolina Commission for the Blind. That’s a different focus than that of her brother, a one-time Air Force military judge who was known for his work in national security, defense and foreign policy.

But the Wyoming Republican, when pressed for details about where he thought the two Grahams might split or overlap, acknowledged that “I haven’t had a discussion on each of the policy issues with her.”

That sentiment was echoed by three other Senate Republicans who conceded they don’t know yet what she stands for or what issues she’ll champion.

According to these senators, granted anonymity to speak freely, Graham did not give remarks during Tuesday’s closed-door lunch when her committee assignments were announced — though they said they understood that their new colleague might be most focused for the time being on honoring her late brother ahead of the memorials scheduled for next week.

Darline Graham entered the Senate with no apparent previous political experience; Lindsey Graham, by comparison, was well known in Washington and on the international stage after spending more than three decades in Congress, first in the House and then in the Senate.

“I don’t think anybody really knows who she is quite yet,” said Jeff Davis, chair of the Greenville County Republican Party.

“But she is her own person and different than Lindsey Graham,” Davis said. “So from our perspective, we’re certainly willing to give her the opportunity and chance, you know, to prove herself to us.”

Since joining the Senate last week following Gov. Henry McMaster’s appointment, Darline Graham has taken several votes on the Senate floor, each in line with the GOP. That includes helping to confirm Kara Westercamp, a nominee for a seat on the U.S. Court of International Trade, who has had to apologize for making critical comments of her late brother and other Republicans in the past.

Graham is inheriting her brother’s congressional staff, helping ease her transition into the Senate but also providing her a similar kitchen cabinet of trusted experts and advisers to guide her. Incidentally, she’s also inheriting all of Lindsey Graham’s committee seats on Judiciary, Appropriations, Budget and Environment and Public Works.

“As a committed conservative with fierce determination, I will use my position on these panels to secure resources for South Carolina, advance President Trump’s judicial nominees and ensure federal dollars are spent responsibly,” Graham said in a statement Tuesday.

Sen. Mike Crapo (R-Idaho), who heads an internal panel responsible for deciding committee seats, said in an interview that giving Graham her late brother’s seats “wasn’t automatic,” but that the decision was made after internal deliberations.

“It was just determined that that was the best procedure to move forward because we’re so close to the end of the session,” Crapo said.

While Republicans don’t expect her to be able to fill Lindsey Graham’s shoes on foreign affairs, an area where he had years of experience and a deep bench of personal relationships, she is quickly grabbing the mantle of one of his biggest priorities: trying to pass a bipartisan Russia sanctions bill through the Senate.

Lindsey Graham announced a framework for a sanctions package shortly before his death; Darline Graham made the proposal, which is now named in her brother’s honor, the first formal bill she introduced.

She is working behind the scenes to try to help build support and get the bill through the Senate, something she discussed with Senate Majority Leader John Thune on the floor Monday night. She also told Trump during their White House meeting last week that she wanted to get the measure passed in Lindsey Graham’s honor.

“She obviously carries on Lindsey’s legacy,” Thune, who hasn’t endorsed in the Senate race, told reporters this week. “But I think she’s a very accomplished person in her own right.”

Some Republicans, however, believe she also wants an additional statement of support from Trump for the sanctions bill before it moves in the Senate, according to two people granted anonymity to speak candidly — after the president added a curveball into negotiations by posting on Truth Social he wanted Iran sanctions added to the package, too.

“I think that the question has to do with adding Iran and how that’s done,” Thune said in an interview when asked about Darline Graham’s approach on the Russia sanctions bill. “But I think to her credit, Sen. Graham … wants to make sure that the White House is behind whatever that approach is.”

A spokesperson said that Graham “did not say nor did she imply” that she wanted an additional statement of support from Trump, adding that “she is extremely pleased with President Trump’s support for the legislation and is working closely with him to move it forward.”

Graham also announced Tuesday that the first existing bill she is co-sponsoring is the SAVE America Act, the GOP’s election overhaul bill that is the president’s top priority and components of which her late brother, just before his death, was working to incorporate into the party’s third budget reconciliation bill.

Even as Graham is aiming to finish some of her brother’s work, she’s also indicating that she will focus, for the most part, more on domestic policy than foreign policy.

Graham’s office did not make her available for an interview, but she told Fox News’ Sean Hannity during her first TV appearance since joining the Senate that she often questioned her brother on why he would use his frequent media hits to primarily discuss national security issues.

“I understand that’s important. Protecting our borders, national security, absolutely,” Graham said. “I said, ‘But talk about also what matters to the average person. The price of groceries, the price of gas, health care. Insurance, those kind of things.’ That’s what I’m worried about.”

Republicans also view Darline Graham as a more introverted personality not as inclined to seek out the spotlight — especially in comparison to her deeply extroverted brother, who gabbed with reporters around the Capitol and relished his unofficial role as a backchannel between Senate Republicans and Trump, serving as an adviser to the latter.

Graham tipped her hand toward the likely differences, saying in an open letter to constituents Saturday that “I am not Lindsey. I have my own way of doing things.”

“But we were raised with the same values,” she said, adding that she’s “spent my career helping South Carolinians with disabilities find employment and live independently.”

Sen. Katie Britt (R-Ala.) told POLITICO last week that Darline Graham “understood what drove Lindsey. … It’s in her blood. It’s in her DNA.” But Britt deferred to the newest senator when asked Tuesday how she might be different.

“You know, I’m sure, like all of us, we love and respect our family,” Britt said. “[But] we’re our own people, so you’re going to have to ask her those questions.”

Samuel Benson contributed to this report.

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Capitol agenda: Republicans hope Trump won’t dominate Dallas

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Republicans are hoping President Donald Trump won’t make this week’s GOP midterm convention all about himself.

The president — with his approval rating at record lows for his time in office amid the conflict in Iran, trade wars and inflation — is slated to be at the center of the two-day spectacle in Dallas beginning Wednesday.

GOP lawmakers, candidates, donors and party officials said in interviews they are counting on Trump to draw a contrast with Democrats rather than prosecute his personal grievances.

Rep. Riley Moore said in an interview the event is a “scene-setter” that should stay laser-focused on “what’s on the line” for voters in the election:

— GOP WINS: Republicans are eager for fresh promotion of the tax cuts in last year’s “One Big Beautiful Bill”, even if some don’t think Trump is the right spokesperson.

Though the first national TV ads funded by the president’s cash-rich political operation place him at the center, one touting provisions in the megabill was more up congressional Republicans’ alley. Several are hoping for that kind of focus at the convention.

“It’s incredibly important that we highlight what we’ve accomplished,” said Rep. Derrick Van Orden. “That’s the perfect venue for that.”

— DINGING DEMS: One consensus message Republicans want the convention oriented around is the choice between their legislative record and a Democratic Party they argue has moved way too far left.

“You’ve got Republicans that are campaigning on commonsense ideas. You’ve got Democrats that are being drawn to the absolute most extreme left of their party,” said Rep. Brian Jack, a deputy chair of the House GOP campaign arm. “So I expect each night to see that on full display.”

“The Democratic Party has taken a turn for the worse recently,” added Rep. Nick LaLota. “America needs to be quite aware of that as they make their decision here in November.”

LaLota is just one of scores of Republican members who are choosing not to travel to the convention — which has a price tag of $25,000 and up for lawmakers attending. Some of those Republicans said they have scheduling conflicts or simply want to campaign back home.

But they still have an interest in how the event goes off and what impression it gives voters.

“I’m going to look forward to listening to it on the radio as I’m driving down the road, going from one spot in my district to another,” Rep. Morgan Griffith said.

What else we’re watching: 

— TRAHAN BYPASSES LEADERSHIP BID FOR AI —- Rep. Lori Trahan’s decision last week to forgo a leadership bid and instead focus on developing artificial intelligence policy surprised some of her colleagues. But in an interview Friday, Trahan brushed off the idea that efforts to broker a bipartisan AI deal thwarted her run to serve as Democrats’ vice chair. Instead, she said her work in the complex policy space had drummed up support from many House Democrats, but she ultimately wants to prioritize regulating the issue next year.

— ROUNDS AIDE’S SIDE GIG RAISES EYEBROWS A senior staffer for Sen. Mike Rounds has quietly worked as a lobbyist for Meta and other high-profile clients. The unusual agreement for Robert Skjonsberg, who has worked for Rounds for over a decade, has raised questions from watchdog groups about ethics and possible conflicts of interest. Rounds spokesperson Dezmond Ward told Blue Light News his office’s general counsel consulted with the Senate’s ethics panel, “which provided guidance to make certain there was and is no conflict of interest.”

Mia McCarthy, Riley Rogerson, Kelsey Brugger and Jacob Wendler contributed to this report.

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Republicans are hoping ‘Trump-a-palooza’ isn’t only about Trump

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President Donald Trump will be at the center of this week’s GOP midterm convention. Many of his fellow Republicans are hoping he doesn’t make it all about him.

The parade of lawmakers, candidates, donors and party officials now headed to Dallas for the two-day spectacle are counting on Trump to make a compelling pitch on the national stage before voters hit the polls.

According to interviews with dozens of Republicans, they are largely hoping for a two-pronged approach aimed at getting the president’s committed supporters off the sidelines: a focus on what they call Democrats’ extreme positions and the accomplishments of the Republican Congress — most of which are now more than a year old.

“Communism vs. common sense,” Rep. Riley Moore (R-W.Va.) said in an interview, calling the event a “scene-setter” that should stay laser-focused on “what’s on the line” for voters in the election.

Republicans have reasons to be wary. Trump’s approval ratings are at record lows for his time in office, and many swing-district GOP lawmakers are torn between running from an unpopular president and alienating his base of committed supporters.

There is little evidence Trump is content to let rank-and-file Republicans run away from him. The first pair of national midterm ads funded by his cash-rich political operation put Trump at the very center.

One ad begins with businessman Dana White extolling Trump as “the toughest, most resilient person that I’ve ever met.”

The other is more up congressional Republicans’ alley, with a Trump voiceover running through a litany of tax cuts included in last year’s “One Big Beautiful Bill.”

Even if not all agree Trump is the party’s best spokesperson at this point, they are eager to see a new effort to promote the tax cuts, which were enacted in July 2025, and want to see them touted anew in Dallas.

“It’s incredibly important that we highlight what we’ve accomplished,” Rep. Derrick Van Orden (R-Wis.) said in an interview. “That’s the perfect venue for that.”

“It’s a great opportunity for us to brag about what the Republican Party has done the last year and a half,” added Rep. Craig Goldman (R-Texas). “So certainly talking about the One Big Beautiful Bill.”

While Van Orden and Goldman are attending the convention, which kicks off Wednesday and ends Thursday, many other lawmakers and candidates are staying back in their districts. Some of those Republicans said they have scheduling conflicts or simply want to campaign back home.

But there are also qualms about Trump’s obsession with priorities that many of them consider off-message ahead of the midterms — such as pressuring Congress to take up the GOP elections bill known as the SAVE America Act.

As GOP lawmakers begged Trump to get serious about tackling the high cost of living, the president has instead openly scoffed at “affordability” as an issue concocted by Democrats to hurt Republicans.

He refused for months to help pass a major legislative package over the summer designed to help lower housing costs, and his trade wars and ongoing conflict with Iran have contributed to persistent inflation. A recent import deal designed to address rising beef prices came at the cost of upsetting American cattlemen.

Speaker Mike Johnson brushed off a question last week about the risk of having candidates show up at a Trump-focused event given his disapproval ratings.

“It was the president’s idea, which is why he’s getting credit for it, and it’s rightfully so,” Johnson said. “I think it’s going to be an extraordinary opportunity for us to get a couple of nights on national television to talk about our extraordinary record of achievement.”

Other Republicans said the president was well positioned to send a message of “promises made, promises kept.”

“Politics 101 is just telling folks what you’re going to do, and then come to Washington and do it, and then go back and tell them what you did,” said Rep. Mark Harris (R-N.C.). “When you look at President Trump’s agenda, securing the border, we’ve done that. That he wanted to make the tax cuts permanent, we’ve done that.”

“Peace through strength — and I think we have moved in that direction,” he added. “Obviously, we got detoured to this journey over in Iran.”

If there is one consensus message Republicans want the convention oriented around, it’s the choice between the legislative record Trump will be touting and a Democratic Party that they argue has moved way too far to the left — especially as progressive candidates, some of them democratic socialists, continue to win key primaries.

Rep. Brian Jack (R-Ga.), a deputy chair of the House GOP campaign arm, said “you’re going to see on full display each night a contrast that we’ve never seen before in politics.”

“You’ve got Republicans that are campaigning on commonsense ideas. You’ve got Democrats that are being drawn to the absolute most extreme left of their party,” he said. “So I expect each night to see that on full display.”

RNC national press secretary Natalie Baldassarre also said in a statement that the event would “put front and center Democrats’ desire to abolish police and prisons, raise costs, and strip away our freedoms,” while also promoting “Republicans’ historic achievements.”

“The Democratic Party has taken a turn for the worse recently,” added Rep. Nick LaLota (R-N.Y.), who is in a competitive race and not attending the convention. “America needs to be quite aware of that as they make their decision here in November.”

LaLota is just one of scores of Republican members who are choosing not to travel to the convention — which has a price tag of $25,000 and up for lawmakers attending — but who have an interest in how the event goes off and what impression it gives voters.

Rep. Morgan Griffith (R-Va.) called the midterm convention — the first held since Democrats did them in the late 1970s and early 1980s — “an interesting concept” and said he would be paying close attention to the size of the television audience. But he said he would be back in his safe red district campaigning.

“I’m going to look forward to listening to it on the radio as I’m driving down the road, going from one spot in my district to another,” he said.

Jordain Carney and Meredith Lee Hill contributed to this report.

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The House Democrat who’s making AI regulation her No. 1 priority

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Rep. Lori Trahan’s decision last week to forgo a leadership bid to instead focus on developing artificial intelligence policy surprised some of her colleagues. It also left some of them wondering whether her thwarted attempt to work across the aisle on the subject was what doomed her prospects.

In an interview Friday, the Massachusetts Democrat brushed off the idea that efforts to broker an AI deal with a Republican backfired. She said the opposite was true: Many House Democrats told her she should run for caucus vice chair because of her work in this complex policy space.

“Look, I spent August really thinking it through, and it came down to a simple question that I think a lot of people don’t ask themselves enough, and that’s just: What I’m most passionate about?” Trahan recalled.

It turned out that the chance to help Democrats formulate a vision for how to regulate a rapidly evolving industry was what she couldn’t pass up.

“When I commit to something,” she said, “I go all in.”

There’s no guarantee Trahan will be successful, with members of both parties reluctant to work together and slamming each other over the issue on the campaign trail. But Trahan isn’t retreating or shying away from her work with Rep. Jay Obernolte (R-Calif.).

She spoke with Blue Light News about how she sees the AI landscape from a political and policy perspective, capping off a week of major developments in Washington — including the introduction of an aggressive plan to pause development of superintelligence models, an escalation in Democratic attacks on Republicans for the rise of data centers, President Donald Trump’s vow to “Let Data Reign,” and new reporting about a tech industry giant’s attempts to talk Trump out of onerous regulations.

This interview has been edited for length and clarity.

House Democratic Leader Hakeem Jeffries came out swinging this past week in trying to pin the proliferation of data centers on Republicans. What do you think of Democratic messaging on this? 

I do think that the Republicans are having trouble reconciling what the president is saying with what their constituents are demanding, and that, I’ll just say, people aren’t imagining this. They’re already feeling it … in their electric bill. They see it when a new data center gets proposed down the road.

They’re obviously reading headlines about AI models that break out of their own labs, and I think those worries are legitimate. So I don’t think the folks are necessarily antitechnology, but they want to know that somebody’s watching this — that the most powerful technology in human history isn’t running on the honor system, and right now, it basically is.

Congressional Progressive Caucus Chair Greg Casar has made a huge push for Democrats to be, as he put it, “AI populists.” What do you think of progressives trying to carve out a lane for themselves on AI, and what has your work with them on this issue been like? 

I think for a long time, the hardest part of this job was convincing people that this is an issue that couldn’t wait. I think that part is largely over, right? AI is advancing at a staggering pace, and the risks are scaling right alongside the capabilities. So I think after a summer of breaches … members on both sides, they’re just done waiting, and I think you’re seeing a wave of proposals … I think that just reflects a new sense of urgency in Congress that I couldn’t be happier to see.

Casar and Sen. Bernie Sanders announced a plan to ban the development of AI “superintelligence” and pause work on cutting-edge models until an agency is stood up to monitor risk. What is your reaction to the proposal?

My team and I are still reviewing the bill, obviously gathering feedback from the safety community, so I’m not going to prejudge the details. Of course, I share the concern driving it. I mean, these companies are losing control of their own models, and they’ve said so themselves.

I’m always a little cautious about outright bans, moratoriums, or blanket pauses because you really only get one shot at something like that, and if you time it wrong, you can end up worse off. … You trigger a backlash that chokes off the chance to put sensible, durable guardrails in place in the future.

A permanent ban with no path to passage, that doesn’t protect anyone. … But right now I get most nervous that we’re not passing the bill that can pass, that matches sort of where we are right now, which is, models escaping their environment and us relying on the honor system from these companies.

You are referring to your bill with Obernolte, which would establish a national framework for regulating advanced AI models. What’s happening with it? You were pushing for committee action before the midterms. That seems all but impossible now. 

The calendar isn’t on our side before the midterms … so I have shifted my focus to before the end of the year. I think that’s the realistic window to get this done this year. Jay and I are working our respective sides of the aisle. … I talked to a lot of rank-and-file members on both sides of the aisle, and they’re all scratching their heads, wondering why we’re not taking this up.

So why do you think it hasn’t moved?

I don’t sit in the minds or the rooms of Republican leadership. … I am worried that they are comfortable with the president sort of managing this through executive fiat rather than putting something in place that is durable and predictable.

I’m hoping that with internal pressure and with external pressure, that the leadership, Speaker [Mike] Johnson and Leader [Steve] Scalise, will take this up and debate it at a minimum.

What is your reaction to the phone call our colleagues reported on, where Meta CEO Mark Zuckerberg urged Trump to scrap a plan to stand up a federal AI regulator?

I think that there are a lot of members of Congress who have ideas in terms of how this gets regulated.

Reasonable people can disagree on what regulatory construct we come up with. What I don’t think the American people agree with is that Mark Zuckerberg and President Trump are going to figure that out on a phone call.

Democrats have been fairly scattered on AI policy this Congress, and that could make it difficult for the party to unify around a policy platform while still negotiating with Republicans. How are you thinking about the next Congress? 

I’m excited about next Congress just because I know when Democrats are in the majority, we’re going to get to work. … I think the fact that Democrats are talking about it a ton and we’re not under the thumb of the leader of our party, so that we can’t say or reflect any of the concerns that we hear back at home, it’s how it should be.

The fact that we’re able to have those conversations and we’re all coming from diverse places is a good thing. I think that’s what the American people want to see. They want to see us engage in every corner of the country in terms of concerns around AI and have a debate about it.

That’s not happening right now. Right now, we’re mostly just hearing from the president having a phone call with a rich tech executive or using export controls at his discretion.

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