Congress
Capitol agenda: The shutdown deal to-do list
The shutdown vibes are shifting.
As Blue Light News first reported Wednesday, bipartisan Senate negotiations around reopening the government have ramped up over the past 36 hours. But it’s far from a done deal. Senate Majority Leader John Thune told Blue Light News as he left the building on Wednesday night that the conversations aren’t close enough that he expects the Senate to stay in town past Thursday.
“There’s no great magic in how we get out of this,” says Sen. Lisa Murkowski (R-Alaska). “It’s the same stuff we’ve been talking about for months.”
Here’s what needs to be addressed as the shutdown enters what could be its home stretch:
NEW DEADLINE — With Nov. 21 just three weeks away, lawmakers will have to extend the end-date for legislation to keep the government open. GOP leaders are eyeing a continuing resolution that would stretch somewhere between mid-January to March.
FISCAL 2026 APPROPS BILLS — Appropriators would prefer an earlier CR deadline, as they keep hope alive for more comprehensive funding bills that would take up more of the federal fiscal year.
Conversations continue around a potential agreement that would include a deal to advance a minibus encompassing agriculture, veterans and legislative branch funding, followed by a second package pairing defense funding and with labor and health appropriations. Senators want to add funding bills covering transportation, housing, the Commerce Department and DOJ to that second package if they can get clearance from their members.
Those could move as soon as next week if Congress is able to first reopen the government.
RIFS AND RESCISSIONS — Democrats want commitments that the White House won’t continue mass firings of federal workers and that Republicans won’t seek further funding clawbacks through rescissions bills.
Some Democrats involved in the talks tell us they believe enough Senate Republicans would oppose a rescissions package. But a Trump administration commitment on layoffs is a “different matter,” says Sen. Tim Kaine (D-Va.).
“That is something that John Thune cannot pledge to me,” Kaine says. “I mean he would do it if he could, but that’s for the White House to pledge.”
HEALTH CARE — Democrats haven’t yet accepted the GOP offer for an Obamacare subsidy vote after the government reopens, but those involved in negotiations tell us they believe progress is being made. A meeting with Trump to talk about subsidies is also on the table for as soon as next week. Some Democrats want a working group to address Affordable Care Act issues.
Republicans are working on their own health care package for later this year that could include a possible ACA extension with new restrictions in preparation for bipartisan negotiations, as we’ve reported.
One House Republican granted anonymity to share ongoing leadership discussions said “everything has been discussed” on what that package would even be attached to, but there are fewer options as time goes on. New Obamacare restrictions, such as income verification or income caps, are being considered, the member said.
What else we’re watching:
— Schumer dodges on Mamdani: With Election Day less than a week away and early voting already live in New York City’s mayoral race, Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer is holding off on supporting Democratic nominee Zohran Mamdani. “I have a good relationship with him, and we’re continuing to talk,” Schumer told reporters Wednesday, sidestepping a question about whether he’d vote for Mamdani.
— Final straw for farm-state Republicans: Trump’s plans to import beef from Argentina has proved to be the breaking point for farm-state Republicans who have kept quiet for months about the toll of the administration’s sweeping tariffs. Meanwhile those frustrations are also playing out on the Senate floor this week on a series of votes to undo some of Trump’s global tariffs. And next week, the Supreme Court begins hearing oral arguments in a high-stakes challenge to Trump’s emergency tariff powers.
— Ex-Im nominee withdraws: Bryce McFerran, Trump’s pick for a top position at the Export-Import Bank, has withdrawn from consideration after facing scrutiny from Democrats over his ties to Russian companies. The move comes ahead of a Senate Banking nomination hearing that was scheduled for Thursday.
Meredith Lee Hill, Katherine Hapgood and Jasper Goodman contributed to this report.
Congress
Democrats keep pressure on Hakeem Jeffries to punish rogue members
House Democrats aren’t letting rogue members off the hook for bucking their party. They hope Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries won’t either.
“Obviously, there’s got to be” punishment for the two Democrats who twice this month bucked their party to advance a slate of Republican priorities, Rep. Jared Moskowitz (D-Fla.) said in an interview.
“Otherwise, then,” he said, “it’s open season.”
Democrats are watching closely how — and if — Jeffries doles out consequences for Reps. Jared Golden of Maine and Marie Gluesenkamp Perez of Washington who have twice provided the decisive votes for GOP procedural measures this month. Jeffries and his leadership team condemned the two members when they first defected two weeks ago, slamming a “breach of trust” warranting a “serious response” but have yet to inflict any public consequences.
On Tuesday, they defied leadership a second time, infuriating House Democrats and resurrecting questions about how leadership plans to keep its caucus in line — especially if they have a slim majority next term.
“We have to all be united, and I think it’s pretty simple,” said one House Democrat who was granted anonymity to speak candidly. “If there’s not [a punishment], I find it hard to see a path forward in the majority, which we’re all pushing for.”
Asked if leadership should punish the two aisle-crossers, Rep. Troy Carter pointed to his time as minority leader of the Louisiana state Senate: “When I had members that did not work within the confines of the philosophical views of our party, I took them off our caucus.”
“I don’t want to second-guess anybody’s timing, but I will tell you that these things cannot allow to fester,” he added. “We have to have a strict message: Either you’re with the team on those fundamental issues of governance or you aren’t.”
Multiple members, including Carter, said that removing Gluesenkamp Perez from the Appropriations Committee should be considered. (While members are just as angry at Golden, they acknowledge he’s beyond punishment given he is retiring at the end of this term.)
“I suspect that there are a number of appropriate consequences that [leaders] could implement,” Rep. Sydney Kamlager-Dove (D-Calif.) said in an interview. “And, ultimately, it’s their decision. I certainly don’t want that to be a caucus decision. That should be a leadership decision.”
One leader, Whip Katherine Clark of Massachusetts, suggested she is open to removing Gluesenkamp Perez from Appropriations, telling reporters Wednesday morning that “team players get to sit on exclusive committees.”
After the first instance where the two Democrats defected on Sept. 1, Jeffries kicked the matter to a caucus rules panel, saying afterward he wanted to pursue action against the two members “sooner rather than later.” The panel continues to deliberate on what should happen if members vote with Republicans on procedural measures.
Jeffries said that week that he’d had a “productive” and “forward-looking” conversation with Gluesenkamp Perez, but he has said much less after Tuesday’s floor drama.
“I’ll have more to say about the issue when I have more to say about the issue,” he told Blue Light News shortly after the vote.
Congress
House passes Russia sanctions bill, handing Trump more leverage against Moscow
The House passed the sweeping Russia sanctions bill long championed by the late Sen. Lindsey Graham on Wednesday, sending the legislation to the White House for President Donald Trump’s signature after more than a year of congressional maneuvering.
The 262 to 159 vote ends a nearly two-year lull in Ukraine assistance from Congress, which had not passed any major Ukraine efforts since a 2024 emergency aid package. The bill faced a number of obstacles on the path to the Resolute Desk, including significant opposition from some House Democrats who argued that the bill would give the White House too much tariff power.
After weathering a number of storms to make it out of Capitol Hill, the legislation is all but guaranteed to get Trump’s signature.
The long-anticipated legislation issues mandatory sanctions on Russia’s leadership and energy sector — as well as new sanctions on collaborators in Moscow’s defense industry and its so-called shadow fleet. Advocates of the bill, including Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy, have argued it would give the White House necessary tools to squeeze Russia economically, curbing the flow of funds to Moscow’s war machine.
But, to many Democrats’ dismay, the legislation also includes a 100% tariff on top buyers of Russian energy. Opponents of the bill have cautioned that the tariff provision would hand another cudgel for Trump to use against not only U.S. foes but also global allies — an action the White House has repeatedly taken since Trump returned to office.
“We cannot grant more tariff power that we know he will abuse,” Rep. Gregory Meeks (D-N.Y.) said in comments on the House floor Wednesday.
Meeks, the top Democrat on the House Foreign Affairs Committee, argued that the tariffs would worsen the economic pain already felt by everyday Americans and that without a security assistance package or more air defense, they would not do enough to concretely help Ukraine.
In comments on the House floor earlier Wednesday, House Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries outlined why he planned to withhold support for the measure.
“The manner in which this bill has been written doesn’t require the president of the United States to impose sanctions on Russia,” Jeffries said. “In fact, there are so many loopholes written into the bill, I believe, that it’s very unlikely that the sanctions relief contemplated in the legislation will ever see the light of day.”
That disagreement has caused a growing rift among Democrats in recent days. Fifty-eight House Democrats broke with Jeffries to vote yes on the measure.
In a letter addressed to House Democrats, Senate Foreign Relations ranking member Jeanne Shaheen (D-N.H.) urged her colleagues to pass the legislation, warning that failing to do so would send a dangerous message to both Russian leader Vladimir Putin and other international foes.
“Congress’s failure to impose additional costs would send a dangerous signal,” Shaheen wrote. “The Kremlin is watching. Kyiv is watching. Our NATO allies are watching. So are Beijing, Tehran and Pyongyang.”
Congress
Rand Paul kills Kennedy’s AI ‘kill switch’ bill
Sen. Rand Paul blocked an attempt by fellow Republican Sen. John Kennedy to quickly pass legislation that would require companies to build a “kill switch” into their artificial intelligence model.
Kennedy, of Louisiana, went to the Senate floor Wednesday to try to pass his bill without holding a formal vote — a step that can be prevented by any one of his 99 colleagues. He argued that the measure was effectively a short-term step, with Congress unlikely to pass more sweeping AI legislation in the immediate future even amid fears that technological advancements could spiral out of human control.
“We are not going to get up off our ice-cold lazy butts and address this anytime soon,” Kennedy said about Congress’ inability to pass a more comprehensive bill. “But still we’ve got this risk out there that we know is real of one of these models becoming the Terminator.”
Paul, however, blocked Kennedy’s request to pass the bill through a unanimous consent agreement, saying from the Senate floor, “I think we should have as many facts as possible before we dictate rules for the whole economy.”
“I don’t oppose the spirit of this bill but I do ask that we make sure that we have all the information,” the Kentucky lawmaker added.
Paul tried to amend Kennedy’s bill to establish a group that could make recommendations on AI guardrail policies to the Senate Commerce Committee. Kennedy rejected that suggestion.
“My mama didn’t raise a fool,” he said, adding, “a committee is a way to kill this.”
Kennedy’s push for a vote comes after he told reporters Monday that he intended to roll out legislation and attempt to pass it this week, even while he acknowledged that he didn’t yet have any formal buy-in from his colleagues. He also appeared to know by earlier in the day Wednesday that he was running into a roadblock, saying in an interview that he expected Paul to offer a counterproposal.
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