The Dictatorship
Amid the slap-stick comedy, ‘Happy Gilmore 2’ gives us something unexpected
I almost didn’t watch “Happy Gilmore 2,” but the first “Happy Gilmore” happens to be one of my favorite Adam Sandler movies, and a sudden wave of nostalgia washed over me. I was 21 when the original came out, and I wanted to see if Sandler was aging just like me. (Which is to say, rapidly.)
Even the jokes that aren’t meant to offend have the shelf life of deviled eggs in the summer sun.
His oeuvre — if you will — is riddled with off-color jokes, casual racism and locker-room homophobia that are either cringeworthy or gratuitously unnecessary by today’s standards. And even the jokes that aren’t meant to offend have the shelf life of deviled eggs in the summer sun.
I know it’s almost a cliche to obsess over the 1990s and early aughts online, but topical humor from those decades should probably stay there. I’m also not a scold. There’s a time and a place for an inappropriate gag, sure. Especially if you’re making fun of the powerful and the selfish.
Far too often, watching a Sandler movie is like playing a game of cinematic Russian roulette: For every five movies like 2007’s “I Now Pronounce You Chuck & Larry,” there’s one “Punch Drunk Love,” where Sandler gives a surprisingly intense and heartfelt performance.
“Happy Gilmore 2” is a massive hit for Netflix. According to the streamer, the comedy racked up 46.7 million views in its first three days and is currently the No. 1 English-language movie on the platform. But that’s not because it’s a good movie.
Adam Sandler is beloved. I get it. He may be the only celebrity I like more the more I avoid his movies.
Again, that’s not to say that Sandler hasn’t produced a few bangers, like the 1998 rom-com classic “The Wedding Singer” or the harrowing crime drama “Uncut Gems” from 2019. His charming 2022 basketball drama “Hustle” is a movie I happily recommended to my NBA-obsessed nephew. When he stars in a dramatic role, he’s usually memorable — the Sandman has range. But “Happy Gilmore 2” won’t be listed among Sandler’s best work.
Sandler may be the only celebrity I like more the more I avoid his movies.
It’s a hit, yes, but that’s because Sandler is a brand name. He’s a relatable A-lister whose movies rarely challenge their audiences.
Netflix was smart to partner with Sandler in 2014an eye-popping $250 million deal — which was big news at the time — that has paid off for both parties. Since then, Sandler and Netflix have re-upped their partnership more than once, and it’s only a matter of time until we get “Happy Gilmore 3.”
There are plenty of critics who have pooh-poohed “Happy Gilmore 2,” but it seems unfair to look down on a movie that isn’t looking to impress anyone. I find Sandler movies are best enjoyed in retrospect, like memories of family vacations and first heartbreaks.
Sandler is fundamentally likable on screen and off. In most comedies, he’s a mama’s boy, a best friend, a well-meaning dimwit. He sticks by his people. His real-life reputation reflects that persona. He’s worked with his family and friends for decades. His box office longevity has a lot to do with a rock-solid belief that there’s an audience out there for unpretentious puerile silliness.
“Happy Gilmore 2” isn’t good , but Adam Sandler movies should exist beyond the “thumbs up/thumbs down” binary. If you find yourself watching an Adam Sandler movie and halfway through you realize you’re watching an Adam Sandler movie, then you have only yourself to blame.
I begrudgingly enjoyed a few aspects of “Happy Gilmore 2.” Gilmore is widowed (in an early, and controversial, scene), leaving him to raise his daughter (played by Sandler’s real-life kid) and four hockey-obsessed mini-Gilmore delinquents, who are funny in a chaotic, “Looney Tunes” way.
“Happy Gilmore” belongs to one of my favorite comedy genres, the “slobs versus snobs” movie (think “National Lampoon’s Animal House” in 1978 or 1986’s “Back to School,” starring Rodney Dangerfield), which isn’t as popular as it once was.
Sandler’s Gilmore is a goofy manchild with a hair-trigger temper who loves hockey — the fights at least — but learns his true athletic talent is playing golf. When his grandma is at risk of losing her house, Gilmore signs up for a golf tournament. The prize money would be enough for him to buy her home.
Gilmore is uncouth and foul-mouthed, and his presence upsets all the stuck-up golf pros. He’s an underdog who’s doubted by everyone except his loved ones, and his mentor, one-handed retired golf guru Chubbs Peterson, played by the late, great Carl Weathers.
Gilmore, like Sandler, is an icon of Gen X masculinity.
Gilmore, like Sandler, is an icon of Gen X masculinity.
America still held on to traditional ideas of manliness in the mid-1990s, a decade influenced by old-school images of strong, silent types like John Wayne and well-dressed cool cats like Frank Sinatra. The Baby Boomers looked up to the manly men their parents worshipped, while producing their own brooding leading men, like Warren Beatty and Steve McQueen.
But Sandler represented dudes his age on the big screen, a generation of hoodie-wearing slackers who weren’t afraid of a fight but weren’t quite so tight-lipped.
There’s another aspect I have to admit I enjoyed about “Happy Gilmore 2”: It’s surprisingly existential. There are multiple poignant references to Happy Gilmore actors who have died since the movie’s release nearly 30 years ago—including game show host Bob Barker, who nearly stole the first “Happy Gilmore” from its star. Happy Gilmore is fully middle-aged now, and to grow older is to say goodbye to people you love.
I wasn’t expecting that occasional meditation on grief and loss. I expected — and got — people getting thwacked in the face and genitals by golf balls. But Sandler is constantly acknowledging he’s not as young as he was, and neither am I.
The men in Sandler’s movies can be dopey. They can be sad sacks. But even the most ill-behaved of them have moral compasses. Sandler’s men are loyal to their friends, and they’re not immune to learning (sometimes very basic) lessons about right versus wrong. Happy Gilmore’s greatest virtue is that he listens to those he loves (even if it takes a while). And he always punches up, both literally and figuratively.
The Sandler Cinematic Universe exists separately from the so-called Manosphere, the loosely connected collection of podcasts and video influencers selling manhood to young dudes. Happy Gilmore, infantile rager that he is, is a preferable role model to, say, Joe Rogan, another Gen Xer who used to be funny but now takes himself a little too seriously.
That may be, ultimately, why I still stan Sandler after all these years (and terrible movies like “Pixels”): He hasn’t stopped laughing at himself.
John DeVore is a culture writer and author of “Theatre Kids: A True Tale of Off-Off Broadway.”His writing has been published in Esquire, Vanity Fair, Marvel Comics, and many other publications.
The Dictatorship
Judge rejects DOJ push to resurrect Powell probe
A federal judge on Friday denied the Trump administration’s bid to revive the defunct subpoenas targeting Federal Reserve Chair Jerome Powell, another blow to the Justice Department’s ability to execute President Donald Trump’s demands.
The subpoenas sought records from a $2.5 billion renovation project at the Fed’s headquarters in Washington. The investigation alleged Powell knowingly misled Congress about the project’s cost. The accusation became central to Trump’s public smear campaign against Powellwhom he appointed to the top Fed position in his first term.
Powell’s lawyers fought the subpoenas, and the Fed chief publicly argued the investigation was motivated by his refusal to succumb to Trump’s pressure campaign on the central bank to slash interest rates, which the president said will boost the U.S. economy.
In his orderChief Judge James E. Boasberg of U.S. District Court for the District of Columbia wrote, “The Government’s arguments do not come close to convincing the Court that a different outcome is warranted.” He rejected the DOJ’s motion to reconsider his March 13 decision to quash the investigation.
Boasberg wrote in his March 13 decision that “a mountain of evidence” suggested that “the Government served these subpoenas on the [Federal Reserve] Board to pressure its Chair into voting for lower interest rates or resigning.” The judge threw out the subpoenas, but the DOJ quickly filed a motion to reconsider.
On Friday, Boasberg ruled the DOJ’s motion “ignores the fact that its total lack of a good-faith basis to suspect a crime is relevant to the second, separate question of the subpoenas’ true purpose.”
The federal government can formally appeal Boasberg’s decision, which could complicate the confirmation process for Kevin WarshTrump’s pick to lead the central bank after Powell’s term as Fed chair ends next month.
Powell was joined by every living former Fed chair in denouncing the probe as an act of partisanship against the leader of an institution designed to be insulated from political pressure.
Two Republicans on the Senate Banking Committee, Sens. Thom Tillis of North Carolina and Kevin Cramer of North Dakota, expressed deep concern over the investigation. Sen. Lisa Murkowski, R-Ala., called the probe “an attempt at coercion,” in a post on X in January.
Tillis is a key vote on the banking committee, which handles confirmation hearings for Fed appointees and has a narrow 13-11 Republican majority. He has vowed not to support Trump’s pick for Fed chair as long as Powell is under criminal investigation.
Sydney Carruth is a breaking news reporter covering national politics and policy for MS NOW. You can send her tips from a non-work device on Signal at SydneyCarruth.46 or follow her work on X and Bluesky.
Fallon Gallagher is a legal affairs reporter for MS NOW.
The Dictatorship
Friday’s Mini-Report, 4.3.26
Today’s edition of quick hits.
* Iran’s military assets still matter: “An American fighter jet carrying two crew members was shot down today by Iranian forces, a U.S. official told MS NOW. The military has rescued a pilot of the F-15E, and a search is underway for the second crew member, two officials said.”
* In related news: “A second U.S. military plane involved in the U.S. war with Iran crashed on Friday, a U.S. official with knowledge of the matter told MS NOW. The plane’s pilot was safely rescued by American forces after it went down near the Strait of Hormuz. The crash was first reported by The New York Times. It was not clear if the plane, an A-10 Warthog, was shot down or crashed due to mechanical failure, the U.S. official said.”
* Crisis conditions in Lebanon: “The U.S. Embassy in Lebanon issued an alert Friday to U.S. citizens to ‘Leave Lebanon NOW,’ urging them to depart ‘while commercial flight options remain available.’ The alert said if people choose not to leave, they should ‘prepare contingency plans’ in case ‘the situation deteriorate further.’”
* A probe worth watching: “An expansive inquiry by the Department of Homeland Security’s inspector general into the handling of contracts under the agency’s former secretary, Kristi Noem, is scrutinizing her senior adviser Corey Lewandowski’s interactions with companies seeking federal business, according to multiple people familiar with the investigation.”
* The obvious call: “A federal judge on Friday reaffirmed his decision to block subpoenas from the Justice Department to the Federal Reserve on the grounds that the probe appears to be driven by a political vendetta, setting the stage for an appeal by the Trump administration.”
* Hegseth ice”https://apnews.com/article/pentagon-policy-guns-military-bases-hegseth-09cdd079f8ac28aa72b2349859e2f54e”>full of ideas: “Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth said Thursday that he will allow service members to carry personal weapons onto military installations, citing the Second Amendment and recent shootings at bases across the country.”
* In light of the occasional rumors about his possible retirement, this seems notable: “Supreme Court Justice Samuel Alito became ill during an event in Philadelphia on the evening of March 20, a spokesperson for the high court said Friday. … Alito, 76, underwent an examination and received fluids for dehydration, the spokesperson said, adding he returned home that night, which was previously planned.”
Have a safe weekend.
Steve Benen is a producer for “The Rachel Maddow Show,” the editor of MaddowBlog and an MS NOW political contributor. He’s also the bestselling author of “Ministry of Truth: Democracy, Reality, and the Republicans’ War on the Recent Past.”
The Dictatorship
Trump’s military spending bonanza has Republicans overlooking the debt
The White House released a massive defense budget on Friday that would be historic if passed, as lawmakers and voters continue to express concerns about whether the month-long U.S. military operation against Iran could be more extensive than President Donald Trump has previously suggested.
The $1.5 trillion figure drew quick praise from Republican defense hawks, even as the plan relies on optimistic economic projections, calls for a 10% cut to domestic programs and comes amid an ongoing military campaign in Iran that administration officials say could end in a matter of weeks — though the question of whether ground troops will be deployed remains unresolved.
The budget faces steep odds in the Senate, where Democrats’ support is required for most agency-level spending proposals to clear the 60-vote threshold. Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer, D-N.Y., said Democrats will “fight this budget, tooth and nail.” That opposition puts even more weight on Trump’s push for a GOP-only pot of funds through budget reconciliation.
Trump asked Congress for a 42% increase in the defense budget, relying on a two-track approach that could cause congressional leaders heartburn. The president has previously floated making a supplemental funding request to Congress specifically for the war in Iran, but it has not yet been put forward.
Nearly $1.2 trillion would come from the regular appropriations process, while $350 billion would come through a budget reconciliation bill designed to bypass a Democratic filibuster. Even factoring in proposed cuts to medical research, environmental programs, Trump’s planned privatization of the Transportation Security Administration, and other domestic cuts panned by Democrats, Trump’s budget would increase federal spending by $288 billion.
The document makes no mention of the expected debt or annual deficit — data that was regularly published in previous presidents’ budget plans.
The document makes no mention of the expected debt or annual deficit — data that was regularly published in previous presidents’ budget plans. An Office of Management and Budget spokesperson confirmed the omission as well as the absence of data on expected mandatory spending on programs including Social Security and Medicare, which the administration said it plans to publish later in 2026.
Throughout his 2024 campaign and the first year of his second term, Trump promised to reduce the national debt and deficit through spending cuts, tariffs and investments. According to the Treasury Department’s most recent data, the national debt currently is $39 trillion and the deficit at $1.8 trillion.
Still, hawkish Republican lawmakers showered the plan with praise on Friday.
“President Trump’s budget is truly historic when it comes to defense spending,” Senate Budget Chairman Lindsey Graham, R-S.C., said in a statement. Graham is expected to be a key architect of any upcoming reconciliation bill. “It is the most robust increase in defense spending in many years, and it is more than justified by the threats we face throughout the world.”
Sen. Roger Wicker, R-Miss., and Rep. Mike Rogers, R-Ala., the chairs of the Senate and House Armed Services Committees, pledged in a joint statement to “pass this budget into law,” saying the military boost would “drive the U.S. toward a defense budget of 5% of GDP — a benchmark we have long supported as necessary to maintain our national defense.”
The reconciliation pitch is logistically challenging. Senate Majority Leader John Thune, R-S.D., told reporters Thursday any additional reconciliation work would be “hard and cumbersome” following the months of painstaking negotiations required to pass last year’s Republican tax-and-spending bill.
Trump’s budget also envisions deep reductions after the proposed 2027 surge: The defense budget would drop by 15% in 2028 and would freeze at less than $1.4 trillion in subsequent years. Over the longer term, the proposal calls for a decrease in military spending as a share of the economy, dropping it to 2.6% of GDP in 2036.
Trump’s economic projections are notably optimistic. The budget assumes an annual inflation-adjusted “real GDP growth” rate of 2.9% indefinitely — more than a full percentage point higher than the 1.8% long-term forecast from the nonpartisan Congressional Budget Office.
Amid ongoing battles in Congress over funding for the Department of Homeland Security, the budget proposal notes that the Working Families Tax Cut Act delivered more than $190 billion for border security and immigration enforcement programs over five years, including $10 billion for Immigration and Customs Enforcement and $18.5 billion for Customs and Border Protection. Trump nonetheless requested an additional $63 billion in discretionary budget authority for the DHS for 2027 — a 3.3% decrease from the level in the 2026 continuing resolution.
The proposal calls for a wide range of other cuts and program eliminations. It directs Congress to begin “the process of privatizing” airport security screening at the TSA, projecting $52 million in savings, and cuts $1.3 billion in non-disaster grant programs at FEMA, an agency Trump has repeatedly derided as “expensive.”
The Cybersecurity Infrastructure Security Agency would see a $707 million cut. The budget plan criticizes the agency’s work that “focused on so-called misinformation and propaganda.”
NASA would face a 23% budget cut, including the elimination of the Mars Sample Return mission.
Health programs would take broad hits. The Department of Health and Human Services would see a 12.5% reduction from the prior year, including a $5 billion cut to the National Institutes of Health, a $4 billion reduction to the Low Income Home Energy Assistance Program and an $819 million cut to the Unaccompanied Alien Children program.
Trump’s economic projections are notably optimistic. The budget assumes an annual inflation-adjusted “real GDP growth” rate of 2.9% indefinitely.
The Environmental Protection Agency’s annual budget would be cut in half, with reductions to state grants and Superfund cleanup programs, among others.
The National Park Service would receive $2.5 billion in overall budgetary resources, a $739 million — or 23% — cut from last year.
Foreign aid would face continued reductions, building on the 2025 DOGE campaign that shuttered the United States Agency for International Development. The budget proposes eliminating funding for Food for Peace grants and the National Endowment for Democracy.
The proposal would also eliminate several Department of Housing and Urban Development programs that provide assistance to low-income and marginalized communities, including the Community Development Block Grant, the Homeless Assistance Program and Native American programs.
Despite Trump’s pledge to dismantle the Education Department, the budget proposes a comparatively modest cut to the agency — $76.5 billion in discretionary authority, a 2.9% decrease from 2026. It seeks to restructure K-12 programs to reduce the federal role in education and would cut funding to colleges and universities by $2.7 billion, including programs serving minority-serving institutions.
The sweeping cuts to non-military programs will only deepen Democratic opposition. And nearly all of the budget — apart from the $350 billion reconciliation component — will require 60 Senate votes to advance.
“The vision President Trump has outlined for America in his budget is bleak and unacceptable,” Senate Appropriations Vice Chair Patty Murray, D-Wash., said in a statement. “President Trump wants to slash medical research to fund costly foreign wars. It doesn’t get more backward than that, and the only responsible thing to do with a budget this morally bankrupt is to toss it in the trash.”
Jack Fitzpatrick covers Congress for MS NOW. He previously reported for Bloomberg Government, Morning Consult and National Journal. He has bachelor’s and master’s degrees from Arizona State University.
Soorin Kim is a White House producer with MS NOW.
Akayla Gardner is a White House correspondent for MS NOW.
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