Politics
Adams, Cuomo, Mamdani and Sliwa pay their respects
With help from Amira McKee
IN MEMORIAM: Five candidates running for New York City mayor — as well as hundreds of NYPD officers — paid their respects this afternoon to Didarul Islam, who died in uniform in Monday’s tragic mass shooting.
Mayor Eric Adams, Democratic mayoral nominee Zohran Mamdani, former Gov. Andrew Cuomo, Republican nominee Curtis Sliwa and independent candidate Jim Walden all gathered at the Parkchester Jame Masjid, where Islam’s body lay.
The officer’s death became an instant political test for Mamdani, who was away on an 11-day vacation in Uganda at the time of the shooting. Cuomo drew attention to Mamdani’s anti-NYPD activism in the wake of the shooting. And within hours of his return to the U.S., Mamdani was pressed about his prior support for defunding the police and his call to disband the NYPD unit that responded to the shooting.
Aside from the mayoral hopefuls, Gov. Kathy Hochul and several other officials attended the funeral, including NYPD Commissioner Jessica Tisch, Attorney General Letitia James, Bronx Borough President Vanessa Gibson, Bronx District Attorney Darcel Clark, Public Advocate Jumaane Williams, City Council member Yusef Salaam, and Reps. Adriano Espaillat and Richie Torres.
Reporters were there to cover the memorial to the slain officer — and to carefully watch for signs of political differences between the candidates.
Adams eulogized Islam at the event and spoke of the pain of losing a loved one — but he made a point to thank the NYPD’s Strategic Response Group, the elite police unit Mamdani has previously called to eliminate.
“I want to say thank you to the men and women of the New York City Police Department in general, but specifically to the men and women of SRG,” Adams said. “They entered the building while the shooter was still alive, and they conducted a floor-by-floor search. They wanted to ensure that everyone in that building would have come out safely.”
Mamdani said Monday he no longer supports defunding the police, but he also doubled down on eliminating the SRG. The unit is tasked with policing political demonstrations and has faced criticism from the New York Civil Liberties Union and others for its use of heavy-handed tactics.
Islam, a Bengali immigrant and father of two with a third child on the way, had been working as a security guard when a gunman armed with a military-style rifle entered a Park Avenue building and carried out the deadliest mass shooting in the city since 2000. The three-year NYPD veteran was in full uniform when he was murdered along with three others who perished that day.
Unlike the other candidates and officials there, Mamdani sat with Islam’s family during the service and was greeted by them upon his arrival. He also remained to join his fellow Muslims in prayer after the political speeches concluded, as other officials filed out.
While the intimate service was limited to family, friends and invited guests, hundreds of men and women, many in uniform, gathered on the surrounding blocks in the hours before the funeral, setting up food trucks and tents to eat and socialize. As the funeral began, police cleared the street outside the mosque to allow space for prayer.
“The residents of this city, indeed, this state, must show greater platitudes and gratitude for our police force, they have not received enough in years of late, in my opinion, and that must be rectified,” said Hochul, dressed in a black headscarf in line with Muslim tradition. “They need our support.” — Amira McKee and Jason Beeferman
NORTH COUNTRY SPECIAL LOOMS: The impending resignation of Assemblymember Billy Jones will open up a potentially competitive special election in a North Country district that straddles the Quebec border.
Jones, who’s serving his fifth term, has been as secure in his seat as any rural Democrat in recent years. He’s run unopposed in three of his past four elections and won the other by 24 points.
That was due in part to his personal popularity, but the district is as competitive as can be on paper: There are 30,392 Democratic and Working Families Party members compared with 29,920 Republicans and Conservatives.
“Republicans, for the first time in a long time, have a real chance to win this one,” Essex County Conservative Party Chair Bill McGahay said.
Malone Mayor Andrea Dumas is among the Republicans being discussed as a candidate for the seat.
Several Democrats have expressed interest in running as well, and Plattsburgh Supervisor Michael Cashman is “gaining traction,” according to Clinton County Democratic Chair Brandi Lloyd.
“Democrats are definitely optimistic that this will hold,” Lloyd said. “We’re seeing a trend across the whole country — in rural areas as well — where seats are staying blue or flipping blue.”
Jones announced Tuesday that he’d be stepping down later this summer. Several people familiar with his plans said they expect his resignation will come at a time that would allow Hochul to call a special election that coincides with the Nov. 4 general. — Bill Mahoney
‘MY HEART IS BROKEN’: Hochul demanded today that Israel work with the United States to rectify deteriorating humanitarian conditions in Gaza — a departure for a governor who counts herself as a staunch supporter of the Jewish state.
“Allowing innocent children to starve to death is simply unconscionable, and as a mother, my heart is broken by these images of famine,” Hochul said in a statement.
The reports of starvation that sparked the governor’s latest remarks have also motivated other New York Democrats who support Israel to speak out against the government. Hochul has been outspoken in her support in the aftermath of the Oct. 7 attacks, visiting Kfar Aza and advocating for the release of hostages taken by Hamas.
The tides of war abroad and politics at home have shifted significantly since then.
On Saturday, Reps. Jerry Nadler, Pat Ryan and Paul Tonko were among the moderate Democrats to sign a statement released by New York Attorney General Letitia James calling for immediate access to humanitarian aid in Gaza. Though Hochul was not a signatory on that statement, her recent remarks offer additional evidence there’s a consensus building among Democrats, who have been deeply divided on Israel.
U.S. Special Envoy Steve Witkoff arrived in Israel this morning with plans to meet with Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and visit an aid distribution site in Gaza, a move Hochul said she hopes will be a turning point for the crisis.
“Support for the people of Israel also requires us to demand that the Israeli government do what is right,” Hochul said. “At the same time, we must continue to demand that Hamas release all hostages and finally bring an end to this conflict. This humanitarian crisis has gone on for too long, and it is time to secure a lasting peace that protects the lives of both Israelis and Palestinians.” — Amira McKee
FREEZE THE FARE: With all the talk about freezing the rent, some New York Democrats are now pushing to freeze the fare.
The MTA announced Wednesday that it plans to hike subway fares, and electeds are saying the increase would be too much for New Yorkers to bear.
“Proposing a fare hike without demonstrating meaningful improvements is offensive to hard-working New Yorkers, and that’s why I’m urging all board appointees to vote no on this proposal,” Adams said, referring to the Senate-confirmed MTA body responsible for approving the plan. “We strongly oppose this fare increase and remain committed to fighting for a more affordable and equitable city.”
Under the transit authority’s proposed increases, the price of a subway ride would jump from $2.90 to $3. LIRR and Metro North tickets would spike up to 8 percent. And tolls for bridges and tunnels would increase 7.5 percent.
The MTA said the fare and toll changes “are small and occur at regular intervals to keep up with inflation and avoid surprising customers with unpredictable or double-digit increases.”
The hikes will need to be approved by the MTA board following a trio of public hearings in August, and would take effect in January 2025 if approved.
Mamdani, who ran an affordability-focused campaign, wants to persuade Albany to raise taxes on the wealthy and corporations to make MTA buses free. The MTA so far has signaled opposition to the idea.
Assemblymember Michaelle Solages, the chair of the Black, Puerto Rican, Hispanic & Asian Legislative Caucus, is also railing against the hikes.
“At a time when the federal government is deriving new ways to crunch the middle class and siphon their hard-earned dollars, New York State must be clear that we will not add to the burden,” she said. “This proposed rate increase must be rejected, and I encourage all New Yorkers who are able and willing to make their concerns known to the MTA Board.”
— Jason Beeferman
VETO, AGAIN: Mayor Adams vetoed a bill that would have decriminalized illegal street vending, a late Wednesday night surprise that shocked the City Council.
Existing criminal penalties are “an important enforcement tool,” Adams wrote in a brief veto message.
The bill was meant in part to protect street vendors — many of them immigrants — from deportation. The bill’s sponsor, Council Member Shekar Krishnan, was furious, saying in a statement that “Adams did Donald Trump’s bidding by vetoing my legislation that protects our immigrant small business owners.”
Adams spokesperson Zachary Nosanchuk denied the veto had anything to do with the mayor’s coordination with the Trump administration. Instead, he said the mayor was concerned the law would prevent the NYPD “from intervening, even in the most egregious cases.”
Adams’ stamp of disapproval came hours after he also vetoed the council’s decision that would have blocked a casino bid from moving forward in the East Bronx.
Speaker Adrienne Adams’ office has not yet said whether she’s planning to schedule votes to override the vetoes. — Jeff Coltin
— BIG ‘RIG’: House Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries bashed the Trump administration, accusing the president of attempting to “rig” Texas’ congressional map. (Daily News)
— FLOOD WATCH: Hochul declared a state of emergency for New York City, Long Island and parts of the Hudson Valley as the National Weather Service raised the region’s flash flooding risk. (Gothamist)
— ANOTHER SUBWAY MELTDOWN: The city’s beleaguered transit system continues to struggle after another system power outage this morning. (New York Post)
Missed this morning’s New York Playbook? We forgive you. Read it here.
CONCORD, New Hampshire— Pete Buttigieg is barnstorming the nation in the final weeks before the midterms, boosting candidates in battlegrounds and even areas traditionally hostile to Democrats. And it’s helping him look beyond November.
Down the homestretch, Buttigieg is set to campaign in at least six states: North Carolina, Virginia, New Jersey, Georgia and Nevada, along with his adopted home state of Michigan, according to an itinerary shared first with Playbook by a spokesperson for Win the Era, his political group.
Buttigieg has been refining his campaign trail message as he crisscrosses the country, connecting concrete cost-of-living concerns to the more abstract need for political reform.
It’s a kind of real-world testing that helps him further define his political brand at the same time that he leverages it to “be useful,” as he so often puts it, to his party.
“I have a lot of conviction that, actually, your economic message only has credibility if you have a reform message, too,” Buttigieg said in an interview after a Rochester Opera House rally where he received a standing ovation. “Because otherwise, what you’re doing is you’re saying things that people agree with, which is great, but they might not believe that you can actually deliver it.”
He’s also building the kinds of relationships with voters and party leaders that can be useful if he runs for president in 2028, a question he was repeatedly asked. (“We’ll see,” he told one woman at the Deerfield Fair.)
“For Pete, it’s less about getting credit nationally for what he’s done for Democrats and more about building relationships in places that will be beneficial down the line,” said David Axelrod, a Buttigieg confidant.
Buttigieg’s status as an in-demand surrogate was on full display during his 48-hour swing through the Granite State, where he finished “a very, very, very close second place” to Sen. Bernie Sanders (I-Vt.) in the 2020 primary, as Buttigieg put it in Saturday evening remarks at the New Hampshire Democratic Party’s Eleanor Roosevelt Dinner in Concord.
“I couldn’t ask for a better wingman,” Rep. Chris Pappas said, introducing Buttigieg at the packed rally Friday in Rochester. “People know that he’s a trusted voice,” Stefany Shaheen, who is running for Pappas’ seat, told Blue Light News after campaigning at a book store, cafe and candy shop with Buttigieg along Elm Street in Manchester.
How Buttigieg is learning from the midterms
Buttigieg has neither a battleground governorship nor a personal fortune to wire into midterm races. What he has put on offer is himself: He’s made more than 100 endorsements this cycle, campaigning in person for roughly half of them, and stops in 37 states since he left the Transportation Department.
Buttigieg was welcomed in places where candidates shunned some of his potential rivals. He campaigned with Rob Sand and Josh Turek in Iowa as they run for governor and senator, respectively. He backed Brandon Dukes in his special election effort to flip a Pennsylvania state House seat that Trump won by 18 points. He was alone among his peers in endorsing Hartford Mayor Luke Bronin in his victory over longtime Rep. John Larson in Connecticut.
“If I can help give voice to what people are after in diverse geographies, including very conservative areas,” he said, “turns out that’s my best use of time.”
Buttigieg admitted he wasn’t certain what role he would play in the party’s midterms at the start of President Donald Trump’s second term. Now he’s processing all of the data and inputs he’s receiving along his travels.
“I’m learning a lot about our country and our party as I go, and what I’m seeing is that people have a real hunger for change,” he told Blue Light News. “First of all, in policy. Secondly, in the kind of politics that we have, and third, in the system itself.”
That’s developed into a core argument in his speeches connecting the cost of living to political reform: “If we want the kitchen table to be better off, we got to deal with the political system that is kicking the legs out from under the kitchen table,” Buttigieg said at the Rochester Opera House Friday evening.
It’s a message that can last long beyond the midterms, and Buttigieg is trying to point his party there.
“Part of what I’m really trying to push my party on is the need to have answers for ‘then what,’” he said. “There’s a big ‘then what’ for when Donald Trump leaves the political scene, but there’s an immediate ‘then what’ starting on Nov. 4.”
A Democratic Congress, he argued, needs “a compelling governing vision coming out of the gate” and should move quickly on tariffs, the minimum wage, tax fairness, health care, the Child Tax Credit and political reforms including gerrymandering.
The 2028 question
Even as he sidestepped several questions from reporters about his next moves, saying he was focused on 2026, remnants of his 2020 campaign and hints of a future one piled up. People wore “Pete for New Hampshire” buttons and T-shirts. His old playlist, including Creedence Clearwater Revival’s “Up Around the Bend,” played at the Friday night rally.
At the Roosevelt dinner the next night, in front of a sold-out crowd of over 400, Buttigieg earned a standing ovation that ended in “Pete, Pete, Pete” chants.
“Pete had a great New Hampshire organization in 2020, nearly winning,” Ray Buckley, the chair of the New Hampshire Democratic Party, told Blue Light News. “If anything, his popularity here has grown.”
Much has changed since then.
On Saturday evening, instead of walking out to Panic! At the Disco’s “High Hopes,” his ubiquitous anthem back then, or even Imagine Dragons’ “It’s Time,” which he road-tested last year, Buttigieg employed “You Get What You Give” by the New Radicals.
There have been deeper changes, too: Buttigieg is now the father of 5-year-old twins, Gus and Penelope. He is weighing whether he can run for president and remain a good and present father.
His husband, Chasten, is a “great dad” and “knows why I’m on the road.”
Back on the road, Buttigieg is winning over those who didn’t back him in 2020.
At the back of the room in Rochester on Friday night, the town’s Mayor Chuck Grassie wore a “Pete for New Hampshire” button as he took in the scene. Grassie, who backed Massachusetts Sen. Elizabeth Warren in 2020 and considers himself a “pragmatic progressive,” said Buttigieg could knit together the party’s moderate and progressive factions.
“He’s a guy I think would attract a lot of people,” Grassie said. “And a lot of people I talk to are saying, ‘You know, he’s looking better and better every day.’”
Added Grassie: “In New Hampshire, I think Pete may be the guy to beat.”
Sen. Ted Cruz fired back at JD Vance for suggesting he’s already focused on a 2028 presidential bid, calling the vice president “insecure” while insisting he’s focused on the 2026 midterms.
“In my experience, people engage in political bomb-throwing when they’re feeling insecure,” Cruz said in a phone interview Saturday. “So he’s welcome to make whatever comments he likes. I’m going to keep focusing on the midterms and helping us win on Election Day in the next 30 days.”
Cruz’s comments came in response to an NBC News interview Thursday with Vance in which the vice president suggested Cruz was prematurely eyeing a White House run.
“It is really obvious to me that, at this very moment, Ted Cruz is running for president,” Vance said. “At this moment, I’m not. I’m trying to help elect Republicans. That’s what I’m going to keep on doing.”
Vance is widely viewed as the frontrunner for the Republican presidential nomination, but Cruz has said he doesn’t believe Vance is the sure-fire nominee and suggested he might throw his own hat in the ring. “I’ll certainly be part of the discussion,” he told MS NOW in August.
On Saturday, Cruz told Blue Light News he is dedicated to helping Republicans maintain control of both chambers of Congress. He pointed to his travel this cycle to campaign with candidates in Georgia, Iowa, Nebraska, South Carolina as well as in his home state of Texas as proof. He also said he has trips planned this month to campaign with Republicans in Alaska, Florida, North Carolina and South Carolina.
“Over the last 10 years, there’s no Republican in the country who has campaigned for more Senate candidates, more House candidates, more gubernatorial candidates than I have, and this year will be no exception,” he said.
Cruz rattled off a list of a dozen GOP candidates he’s helped bolster in past years, including former Virginia Gov. Glenn Youngkin, Sen. Thom Tillis of North Carolina, U.S. House candidate Karoline Leavitt — and the vice president.
“Indeed, ironically, I spent a full day on the road with JD Vance, campaigning with him when he was running for Senate in Ohio [in 2022],” Cruz said. “I was very glad he won that race. I was very glad to help him.”
A spokesperson for Vance did not immediately respond to Cruz’s latest comments.
Vance campaigned in Texas and Florida this week and will hold a rally in Alaska on Monday.
Republicans have tried to find a new boogeyman this year as they rail against Democratic socialism and the “radical” left: Zohran Mamdani. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez. Bernie Sanders.
Still more mentioned than all of them, at least in campaign ads: former President Joe Biden.
A Blue Light News review of hundreds of ads running in battleground House and Senate races in recent months shows Republicans largely haven’t seized on progressive icons in paid media. Instead, Biden is the Democrat most likely to be mentioned in GOP ads this cycle, coming up across dozens of races.
President Donald Trump has frequently sought to blame Biden for high prices and other challenges that his administration has faced. Even so, the former president has become a far less useful punching bag for Republicans since leaving office and remaining largely out of the spotlight: At this time in the 2024 cycle, Biden had been mentioned in more than 1,000 Republican House and Senate ads, according to AdImpact data.
The data illustrates how Republicans have been unable to land on a clear villain as they seek to convince voters that Democratic control of Congress would be worse than keeping the GOP in charge. Their warnings about old establishment figures like Biden and former Speaker Nancy Pelosi don’t land like they once did. But they also haven’t been able to seize on emerging democratic socialists like they had hoped to.
Democrats’ foil, meanwhile, has never been more obvious, with Trump’s approval rating in the mid-thirties amid continued high prices and the Iran war.
“No one will match the level of Pelosi for Republicans, in part because the Obamacare vote was such a touchstone moment. And the ‘we have to pass it to find out what’s in it,’” said Doug Heye, a longtime Republican operative who noted he still has “Fire Pelosi” swag from the Republicans’ successful 2010 midterm rout. The then-speaker was central to the GOP’s campaign message that year.
Part of the challenge for Republicans comes from Democrats’ lack of a clear leader. Pelosi stepped down from Democratic leadership at the start of 2023, and her successor, House Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries (D-N.Y.) does not elicit the same animus from Republicans. In the 2022 cycle, her last term as Democratic leader, Pelosi was invoked in more than 80 GOP ads, Blue Light News’s analysis found. Now, she’s mentioned just a handful of times, while Jeffries hasn’t been mentioned in any battleground TV ads this year, according to the Blue Light News review of transcripts.
Biden was an easy target for the GOP in 2022 and 2024, when Republicans blamed him for high inflation and the cost of living. Now, poll after poll shows that voters are more likely to hold Trump — not Biden — responsible for the current state of the U.S. economy, even as Trump tries to redirect the blame.
Even Kamala Harris, the most recent Democratic standard-bearer as their 2024 nominee, is named less often in paid media this cycle than Biden. And among other potential future Democratic presidential candidates, only California Gov. Gavin Newsom and Ocasio-Cortez appear as Republican foils — and not as often as Harris or Biden.
Ocasio-Cortez is often mentioned by Republicans in the same sentence as Sanders, especially when the GOP seeks to tie Democrats in battleground races to the party’s progressive wing. In Michigan’s hotly contested Senate race, former public health official Abdul El-Sayed was endorsed by both — something his opponent Mike Rogers and GOP outside groups have seized on.
“El Sayed is endorsed by extreme liberals like AOC, Elizabeth Warren, and Bernie Sanders,” one recent ad from the conservative super PAC Sentinel Action Fund says.
Some Republicans have sought to run against the progressives even when there are no such ties: One ad that ran earlier this year from Texas Gov. Greg Abbott and the state’s GOP comptroller promised to stand up to Ocasio-Cortez, Sanders and the “new radical left.” Neither Sanders nor Ocasio-Cortez have endorsed in either race.
Most often, the GOP has run ads seeking to tie Democratic candidates to socialism or communism — the concepts themselves — in dozens of House battleground races and nearly every major Senate race. Just this week, the Trump administration launched a national $20 million DHS-funded campaign-style ad spree that features Trump lambasting “communism, socialism, and Marxism.”
But when it comes to specific political figures — like Mamdani, New York City’s mayor — it gets complicated. Republicans once salivated at the prospect of Mamdani as a foil when he was first elected last year. But his first year in office has largely boosted his standing with voters, complicating efforts to turn his tenure into a negative for Democrats.
Trump’s surprising continued embrace of the New York City mayor — just last week, the president stood by Mamdani and said he hoped he would “be a great mayor” — has further complicated GOP efforts to paint him as a villain.
In a handful of swingy New York congressional districts, Republicans have still attempted to tie their opponents to Mamdani, while Democrats have pushed back on the connection. In New York’s 21st District, which Trump won by more than 20 points two years ago, Democratic dairy farmer Blake Gendebien ran an ad arguing that his Republican opponent wants voters to think he’s “running against Zohran Mamdani” but “that’s a load of bull.”
The GOP has characterized prominent Democrats as socialist for decades. As progressives won a series of contested primaries this year, some Democrats worried the rise of figures with ties to the Democratic Socialists of America would give Republicans easy ammunition for the general election.
But being called a “socialist” may not have the same shock value it once did.
“I don’t think just calling a candidate ‘socialist’ works that well for Republicans, particularly this late in the game,” said Matt Towery, a longtime GOP pollster. “If a candidate focuses on parts of the DSA’s platform and can authentically pin it on their opponent, that might work. But Republicans just assume people have a bad reaction to the term socialist, and the term doesn’t elicit the same reaction it used to.”
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