Congress
Capitol agenda: Make-or-break markup day
House Republicans are gearing up for their most consequential megabill markups Tuesday with massive, unresolved policy fights that could unravel President Donald Trump’s “big, beautiful bill.”
WAYS AND MEANS — At least one blue-state Republican is threatening to torpedo the GOP’s tax package over Chair Jason Smith’s proposal to triple the cap on the state and local tax deduction to $30,000 and limit it to people who make $400,000 or less.
“The bill is dead effectively on the floor,” Rep. Nick LaLota, one of a quartet of so-called SALT Republicans advocating for a higher cap, told POLITICO Monday night. Smith “insulted us with fake numbers” and “demonstrated bad faith in presenting a bill that … doesn’t even come close to earning our vote,” said LaLota, who is not on Ways and Means, but whose support will be necessary when the bill comes to the House floor.
But the SALT plan isn’t final. Ways and Means will use the placeholder language when it marks up its portion of the megabill at 2:30 p.m., with the expectation that negotiations will continue until the floor vote on the full legislation. Speaker Mike Johnson huddled with SALT Republicans and other top GOP lawmakers on Monday, and many Republicans involved in the talks believe they’ll end up compromising on slightly higher numbers, according to people familiar with the discussions.
ENERGY AND COMMERCE — The panel is poised for an epic, Medicaid-focused markup starting Tuesday at 2 p.m. that could continue overnight and late into Wednesday. Committee Democrats say it could run longer than the marathon 27-hour markup during Republicans’ unsuccessful attempt to repeal the Affordable Care Act in 2017.
Expect Democrats to offer a host of amendments to try and force Republicans into difficult votes over Medicaid. So far, it looks like Chair Brett Guthrie has gotten moderates on board with a plan that would force states to make some difficult decisions. One centrist panel member, Nick Langworthy, said he’s been won over, calling Guthrie’s gambit a “bold” proposal that protects Medicaid “for those who genuinely need it.” The bigger test may come after the markup, however, when it hits the floor and goes up against conservatives angling for deeper spending cuts.
Required reading ahead of E&C’s markup: How Guthrie, who has long wanted to overhaul Medicaid, is selling a compromise.
AGRICULTURE — The most contentious plan for the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program is officially on tap Tuesday: Forcing states to pay for part of the program using a sliding scale based on their payment error rates, beginning fiscal year 2028. Some Republicans fear this cost-share plan would disproportionately impact rural and red states including Alaska and South Carolina.
Agriculture Committee lawmakers will begin their markup at 7:30 p.m. and break at midnight, then reconvene for amendment debate at 10 a.m. Wednesday.
What Democrats are doing amid these megabill markups: Staying on message. The DNC is sending a mobile billboard around Blue Light News this morning criticizing Republicans for cutting Medicaid and SNAP, according to plans shared first with Blue Light News. And the Democratic Women’s Caucus is urging Republicans across these three committees not to cut safety-net programs, according to a letter sent Tuesday that Blue Light News obtained first.
“We have heard from women and families from across the country, and the message is clear — do not cut programs and services that deliver basic necessities like food and health care for women and families,” the caucus wrote.
Across the Capitol: Many GOP senators are bristling over some of the policies their House counterparts are pursuing. Sen. Ron Johnson said Monday he’d oppose the current House megabill for not going far enough to reduce the deficit, in a preview of problems to come for the party-line bill.
What else we’re watching:
— It’s not just Medicaid: Lawmakers are also proposing a dramatic concession to the tech industry as part of the Energy and Commerce contribution to the GOP megabill. When the committee meets later Tuesday, members will consider a 10-year moratorium on state and local regulation of AI models, amid growing tensions between federal lawmakers and state regulators. (Though it’s not likely to survive the Senate’s Byrd Rule.)
— Library of Congress fallout: Add Senate Majority Leader John Thune to the list of congressional leaders pushing back against Trump’s decision to fire top officials at the Library of Congress. Thune said on Monday that lawmakers “want to make sure we’re following precedent and procedure” in naming a replacement for ousted Librarian of Congress Carla Hayden. He added: “We want to make sure congressional equities are respected and protected in this process.”
— Dem Oversight race: Rep. Jasmine Crockett is planning to run for her party’s top slot on House Oversight after wavering last week when Rep. Kweisi Mfume, one of the most senior Democrats on the panel and a fellow Congressional Black Caucus member, started making moves toward a bid. In a text message sent to colleagues, Crockett said the current times “call for an extraordinary response” which is why she is seeking the position.
Anthony Adragna, Jordain Carney, Mohar Chatterjee, Hailey Fuchs, Benjamin Guggenheim, Meredith Lee Hill, Nicholas Wu and Grace Yarrow contributed to this report.
LE SUEUR, Minnesota — The word on John Thune’s mind these days is “resources.”
In the Senate majority leader’s recollection, it was a dominant topic in his recent conversations with President Donald Trump, including at a recent visit to the White House, not to mention in his frequent conversation with Trump’s political team — and in an exclusive conversation with Blue Light News Monday during a Midwest campaign swing.
“I think the president is sincerely interested in trying to do whatever he can to help the team,” Thune said about his midterm conversations with the president and his advisers. “I also share with him, too, the importance of just the resources in some of these states. You know, some of the states have gotten very expensive.”
As Trump focuses on turning out his own voters — a message the president is taking into his own hands in a series of preelection rallies — Thune is making sure he also has money on his mind: “I … just conveyed to him the importance of ensuring that our candidates are well-resourced.”
Thune’s focus underscores the emerging question defining the 2026 midterms: Is there enough Republican money, and can it be spent fast enough, to counter surging Democratic campaigns and a lackluster national environment for the GOP?
It’s a narrative both sides largely agree on — Thune’s Democratic counterpart, Minority Leader Chuck Schumer, said as much last week — even as each leader insists his side will prevail.
Thune declined Monday to put odds on the GOP’s chances of keeping control of the Senate but said repeatedly, “I think we can keep the majority.”
“I think all of these races are margin of error, at least the ones that we have to win,” he added. “And historically, at least if you look at polls, we tend to outperform them.”
Unlike Schumer, who is keeping a low profile in October and focusing on private fundraising, Thune is barnstorming the country — visiting a mix of deep-red and battleground states.
Minnesota was not expected to be in play for Republicans when Thune took over as leader nearly two years ago. Democratic incumbent Sen. Tina Smith had a clear path to reelection in a state that has not elected a GOP senator since 2002.
But Smith chose to retire, and Democrats nominated an unabashed progressive, Peggy Flanagan, who is now facing Michele Tafoya, the well-known former sportscaster, in November. Recent public polls have shown the race in single digits, and Thune was not shy about including it alongside Michigan and New Hampshire as a GOP pickup opportunity.
Mentioning Minnesota is one thing, but investing in it is another, and national groups affiliated with Thune have not made major investments in the state so far. Standing next to Thune at a news conference Monday, Tafoya made the case for that to change.
“We have had three or four straight weeks of really solid polls,” she said. “This is one worth investing in. We are right there.”
But they both kept things vague when asked about Washington Republicans’ potential commitment to the race — including how much cash would be necessary to overcome 24 years of futility and a bad political environment.
Both Thune and Tafoya used the same words to answer that question: “We haven’t had that conversation.”
Thune put the party’s spending decisions into a larger context: “If the president is looking for places where he can make a difference … we’re in touch on a daily basis with his team and hopefully they will — as they already have — continue to help us leverage the resources that we’ve got to bring to bear to get the best possible impact and outcome in these key states.”
Thune pointed to Minnesota as one possible state where Trump could choose to deploy his $400-million-plus war chest. But the tiny national footprint in the Gopher State pales next to the hundreds of millions of dollars being spent in Texas — an expensive state Thune and Trump continue to discuss as Republicans struggle to drag Senate nominee Ken Paxton over the finish line.
Asked about the super-sized investments there, Thune declined to connect the massive spending on Paxton to tough decisions elsewhere on the map. “Dedicated donors” focused on Texas, he said, have meant GOP groups haven’t yet had to siphon funding away from other key states.
But the tough decisions are nevertheless underway. As Republican candidates play defense in a growing list of red states, the Thune-aligned Senate Leadership Fund recently pulled back spending in North Carolina — essentially surrendering a GOP-held seat to Democrats — while increasing its spending in Kansas.
Thune referred to the decision as a “pause” in financial support for nominee Michael Whatley.
The reasons for the political headwinds were on display Monday at an agriculture-focused roundtable, where Thune and Tafoya heard about the impact of Trump’s trade war with Canada, the president’s decision to import foreign beef and the high diesel prices that followed his decision to attack Iran.
Thune, a South Dakotan fluent in farm-state politics, touted Tafoya as someone who could help address some of those concerns by being a “great voice on issues like agriculture” if she makes it to the Senate.
His broader message in the interview, however, was to cast the midterm election as “choice” between the two parties rather than a referendum on the Iran war and the ensuing spike in energy prices. Democrats want “more spending,” “higher costs,” and “open borders,” he said, while Republicans had put “more money in your pockets” with their 2025 tax bill.
“Iran is temporary,” he said. “It will be behind us. Gas prices are going to come down, so who do you want to invest in for the next two years, four years?”
The midterm results carry personal stakes for Thune, who is expected to run for leader again in internal Senate GOP elections that are expected to take place just days after the midterms, regardless of the outcome.
Thune remains well-liked within the Senate GOP conference, and no other senator has raised his or her hand to run against him. But some conservatives, in and out of the Senate, have privately questioned whether Trump would publicly turn on Thune if Republicans lose their majority.
Asked about that possibility, Thune said, “I can’t control that.” He added that “the Republican conference” would ultimately make the decision.
“What the president does or doesn’t do … you just move forward and let the chips fall where they may,” he said. “All I can say is, I’m with him and his team to do the things I think are good for the future of the country.”
When Blue Light News pointed out Trump defended Thune at last month’s GOP midterm convention after some in the crowd booed the mention of his name, he laughed.
“Yeah, I know,” he said. “It’s the little things, right?”
The chair of the House Agriculture Committee said he’s not willing to “accept bad results” as a tradeoff for the benefits of advancements in artificial intelligence — a direct rebuttal to OpenAI CEO Sam Altman.
“As someone who practiced health care for 28 years, I’m never willing to accept bad results. I think we just need to do our best,” Rep. G.T. Thompson, a Pennsylvania Republican, told reporters Monday.
He was responding to Altman’s comments to Decoded by Blue Light News that people “should accept some bad things happening for the benefits of this technology and people having the agency.”
Pressed further on whether he agreed with Altman’s premise, Thompson replied, “No, I think we have to work harder to prevent any bad things from happening.”
Altman’s comments come in the wake of increased panic over the risks of catastrophic destruction from AI, with many industry leaders and experts arguing that guardrails are needed on the technology to prevent it from spinning out of human control.
Pressure is building on Congress to regulate the rapidly-advancing technology, but lawmakers are divided over whether the AI industry needs federal regulation or if it’s capable of governing itself.
The executives of major AI labs and tech companies gathered at the White House last week to discuss solutions with President Donald Trump, who believes overregulating AI will have national security repercussions. The group ended up signing a “morally binding” AI accord that critics say won’t do enough to prevent a worst-case scenario.
Thompson noted Monday he believes that AI will bring “tremendous solutions,” specifically in regards to finding cures for health issues like cancer and Alzheimer’s disease. But he also said AI has to be led with “principle” — comparing it to how he addressed digital assets in a bill to regulate the cryptocurrency industry, which he worked on as chair of the Agriculture Committee.
“The first principle is ‘do no harm.’ So we need to protect consumers, and that means, I think, building some guardrails — some guidelines — to do that,” Thompson said. He added that the second principle is to “foster innovation.”
“I think AI has a lot to do with that,” he added. “I don’t think AI works without RI: Real Intelligence.”
LE SUEUR, Minnesota — Senate Majority Leader John Thune said Monday there is no “consensus” yet on advancing a bill establishing permanent daylight saving time even as President Donald Trump ramps up pressure on Republicans to pass it.
Thune addressed the matter in a Monday interview after Trump used his Truth Social account multiple times over the weekend to rail against the legislation, known as the Sunshine Protection Act — going so far as to post the personal cell phone number of one of its GOP opponents, Sen. Tom Cotton of Arkansas.
“The president feels strongly on it like he does a lot of issues,” he said. “It’s something we’re having conversations about but there’s no clear path forward or consensus on it yet.”
While Trump singled out Cotton for scrutiny, Thune made clear the opposition to the permanent daylight saving time proposal — which would lead to very late winter sunrises in some parts of the country — ran deeper than one senator.
Cotton has publicly voiced opposition to the proposal for year, citing, among other things, the fact that children in his state would be going to school in the dark for part of the year.
Sen. Roger Wicker (R-Miss.) voiced similar objections Monday to reporters in the Capitol, saying he was mindful of “safety concerns in the more northern and rural states where children get on the school bus in very early hours.”
Thune, who spoke during a campaign swing in Minnesota with GOP Senate nominee Michele Tafoya, has himself opposed previous daylight saving bills. He said Monday that “a lot of it depends on where you are in the country” and that “your geography probably has as much to do with your position on that as anything.”
Sen. Rick Scott (R-Fla.), who has aligned himself closely with Trump, is among the lawmakers who have been pushing to get the bill through the Senate. He recently told POLITICO, “I’m going to make sure it gets passed this year.”
Riley Rogerson contributed to this report.
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