Congress
Dem support of immigration bill latest sign of vanishing Trump resistance
In 2019, at the height of the anti-Trump resistance, several Democrats running for president staked out an unapologetically progressive position on immigration.
Asked at a debate if they would support decriminalizing unauthorized border crossings, the vast majority of White House hopefuls on stage raised their hands, making the calculation that the fired-up liberal base was appalled at then-President Donald Trump’s handling of the border and wanted a radically different approach.
The Washington Post reported at the time that White House hopeful Sen. John Hickenlooper (D-Colo.) supported repealing criminal penalties for people crossing the border illegally who were pursuing asylum, and more than five years later, he veered to the center and joined another ambitious group of Democrats as they said they would vote to advance a Republican-led bill that would crack down on illegal immigration.
The sharp U-turn is the latest sign of the left’s crumbling resistance movement as the second Trump era dawns on Washington. On Wednesday, eight Senate Democrats — among them many of the party’s rising stars and potential 2028 presidential candidates — said they would move legislation forward to detain undocumented immigrants charged with theft or burglary, enough to open debate in the upper chamber. Dozens of congressional House Democrats, some of whom are rumored to be eyeing higher office, backed the legislation Tuesday.
It was a stark shift from Trump’s first term, when his so-called Muslim ban and family separation policy lit a fire under an enraged base, inspiring fiery protests that Democratic senators and House members attended. The street marches are no more, and in the wake of a landslide victory by Trump powered by backlash to President Joe Biden’s management of the border and a general change in public opinion on stemming immigration, a new reality has set in among Democrats: Trumpism is here to stay. And the effort to discredit Trump’s border policies has failed.

“The reaction in ‘16 was dramatic. You had the Women’s March immediately after the election,” said Mark Longabaugh, a former adviser to Sen. Bernie Sanders’ (I-Vt.) presidential campaign. “This time, there almost is a level of resignation it seems. And so you haven’t seen much in the way of resistance so far. And, in fact, I think this is a signal that at least Democratic legislators in the Congress perceive a need to move to the center or move to the right on immigration.”
Sen. John Fetterman (D-Pa.), the first Democrat in the upper chamber to sponsor the House’s bill, known as the Laken Riley Act, urged his party to back the legislation and consider how voters in his battleground state would see the issue. Trump carried Pennsylvania in November, and Republicans swept down-ballot races there, too, ousting Democratic Sen. Bob Casey, whose name was nearly political royalty in the state.
“Pretend that you’re in a parking lot at Walmart in Scranton, and it’s like, ‘Well, I’m going to vote against the bill that allows people to deport people that were charged of crimes or they have a criminal record.’ How do you think that would go over?” Fetterman said. “That’s why we lose if you want to try to make that argument.”
During the 2024 campaign, Republican Dave McCormick attacked Casey as weak on the border and sought to tie him to Biden. Once known for his moderate persona, Casey moved to the left in recent years, including by embracing the anti-Trump resistance. Casey rushed to Philadelphia International Airport in January of 2017 to join protesters rallying against the travel ban barring citizens from several predominantly Muslim countries.
Last year, Republicans and their allies spent hundreds of millions of dollars on attack ads hammering Democratic candidates on their immigration stances and linking rising crime rates to an increase in illegal migration. On Tuesday, few endangered House Democrats were ready to take another vote that could be weaponized against them in the 2026 midterms.
Nearly 50 of them, many from vulnerable districts, voted Tuesday for the Laken Riley Act. Its namesake is a Georgia nursing student who was murdered by an undocumented immigrant from Venezuela. And they will be joined by at least a handful of Senate Democrats, who have already pledged to support or at least advance it.
Rep. Brendan Boyle (D-Pa.), a rising star in his party, was one of the House Democrats who voted for the bill after previously opposing another version of it last year.
“No one seems to be reporting that these are two different bills, which is frustrating. Last year’s version included outrageous attacks on the administration, including blaming President Biden for Laken Riley’s murder,” he said. “This version stripped out all of the incendiary language attacking Democrats.”
A spokesperson for Hickenlooper, Anthony Rivera-Rodriguez, said that he “does not support the Laken Riley Act in its current form,” but “he’s interested in voting to proceed to the bill to amend it.” He declined to provide more details on how he would change the bill.
Another reason for the shift on immigration among Democrats is a broader desire for pragmatism during the next two years of united Republican control and a creeping fatigue that has snuffed out the party’s willingness to push back against a GOP agenda.
Democrats are still reckoning with their widespread losses last November, a process that has hamstrung their ability to mount an organized resistance movement. And a couple dozen Democratic members were elected on pledges to make meaningful improvements to border security. Their votes on Tuesday make good on that promise, regardless of whether the threat of future Republican attacks motivated their decision.
And there’s precedent for that stance. Democrats in the pre-Trump era had supported similar legislation to deport undocumented immigrants with criminal records. Former President Bill Clinton signed a measure that required removal of non-citizens convicted of a long list of felonies while President Barack Obama’s administration deported more than 2.5 million people through immigration orders, the vast majority of whom had criminal records.
Other Democratic senators who signaled a willingness to join Fetterman in supporting the bill included Sens. Mark Kelly (D-Ariz.), Gary Peters (D-Mich.) and Jon Ossoff (D-Ga.) and newly elected Sen. Ruben Gallego (D-Ariz.). Kelly, Fetterman and Gallego are rumored future presidential contenders. Hickenlooper, Peters and Ossoff are up for reelection in 2026.
The majority of the House Democratic caucus voted against the bill. But the 48 who voted yes is an increase from the 37 who voted for the bill when it came up for a vote last March. And the potential for Democratic support in the Senate means it could ultimately become law.
The bill targets a specific set of undocumented immigrants accused of certain crimes, and that narrow focus makes it more likely to pick up Democratic votes. But eight years ago, it would have been hard to conceive of so many Democrats bucking their party on a Republican-led immigration bill.
“In the past, I couldn’t even get people to say border security. And now you’re here: border security, border security. I think the parties slowly move in that direction,” said Rep. Henry Cuellar (D-Texas), who represents a border district in South Texas. “You can be for strong border security and still be respectful.”
Nicholas Wu and Daniella Diaz contributed to this report.
Congress
Ernst pushes spending cuts for another party-line policy package
House Republicans discussed plans for a second party-line megabill during their policy retreat in Florida this past week, and now GOP senators want in on the action.
Sen. Joni Ernst (R-Iowa), in her capacity as head of the Senate DOGE Caucus, sent a letter to Speaker Mike Johnson and House Budget Chair Jodey Arrington (R-Texas) outlining what she says are $93.5 billion in savings that could be incorporated into a filibuster-skirting budget reconciliation bill.
“Republicans should seize every opportunity to advance policies that lower prices, cut taxes, and lift burdensome regulations off the backs of American families while we hold the White House and majorities in both chambers of Congress,” Ernst wrote in the letter, shared first with Blue Light News. “This moment will not last forever.”
Her list includes proposals to claw back unspent COVID-era funds; rescind more of former President Joe Biden’s climate initiatives; impose stiffer penalties for states with high rates of inaccurate SNAP food aid payments; implement a new $250 fee for new electric vehicle owners; and create more accountability for government charge cards.
“This is not an exhaustive list, and I stand ready to help you pass another transformational reconciliation bill,” Ernst said.
The DOGE Caucus, created to mirror the work of the now largely defunct Department of Government Efficiency formerly led by tech billionaire Elon Musk, has little tangible power on Capitol Hill. But Ernst’s appeal signals the extent to which jockeying among Republicans has begun as discussions accelerate around a second megabill — even if there’s scant evidence congressional Republicans can pull one off.
Johnson told House Republicans in a closed-door session closing out the retreat Wednesday that he remains intent on pursuing a new reconciliation package to follow on last year’s “big beautiful bill” focused largely on tax cuts. The legislation could theoretically tackle some cost-of-living issues, but the speaker didn’t offer any specific policies that would be incorporated or a timeline for advancing it, according to four people in the room granted anonymity to describe the private meeting.
Some senior Republicans present privately warned they don’t have much time left for such a big legislative lift, and their razor-thin and frequently fractious House majority could make it difficult to find necessary consensus around a final legislative product.
Congress
Capitol agenda: House revolt ahead for housing bill
The Senate is on track to easily pass a housing affordability package Thursday that is dead in the House as is — an ominous sign for any GOP affordability measures.
The bipartisan package, aimed at lowering high housing costs, is expected to sail through the Senate after an 89-9-1 procedural vote earlier this week. But the bill’s ultimate fate remains dire — as does the GOP trifecta’s ability to make any legislative progress on affordability before the midterms.
— House issues: Freedom Caucus members warned they won’t support the Senate version of the bill, with several likening some of its provisions to “socialism.” Their key concerns include a temporary ban on a central bank digital currency (they want it to be permanent) and a ban on institutional investors from owning single-family homes.
“There are problems,” Chair Andy Harris (R-Md.) said. “It’s not as conservative a product as the House bill was.” The House passed its own version in February under a fast-tracked process with Democratic support.
Speaker Mike Johnson acknowledged conservative objections to the Senate’s housing bill during a closed-door, conference-wide meeting Wednesday at the House GOP retreat. He suggested the House and Senate would have to go into conference negotiations to iron out the problems, according to four people in the room.
Rep. Mike Flood, chair of the Financial Services Housing and Insurance Subcommittee, echoed that sentiment.
“I am holding out hope for some fixes, but time runs short,” the Nebraska Republican told Blue Light News in a statement.
— The Senate’s game plan: Senators are moving ahead with their version — and largely ignoring the House-passed one.
Many don’t support the community banking provisions in the House version. The Senate version also includes the institutional investor provision that President Donald Trump requested.
“I don’t think we’ll need a conference. I think we’ll get it worked out,” Sen. John Kennedy (R-La.) said.
For now, senators appear to believe the White House — including the president — will help get House GOP colleagues on board. To their credit, they’ve seen this movie many times before.
“If one side, Senate or House is being unreasonable, the White House may have to slap a couple of people to Pluto,” Kennedy said. “But we’re not there yet.”
Congress
House Republicans find it difficult to focus on rising costs as they plot 2026 agenda
DORAL, Fla. — House Republicans arrived at their yearly policy retreat aiming to craft a 2026 agenda that will help them keep their majority in the upcoming midterms. But they left with few specifics on what more they can do before the election to quell voter angst about higher prices.
Speaker Mike Johnson told GOP members in a private session Wednesday closing out the retreat that he remains intent on pursuing a new party-line domestic policy bill to follow on last year’s tax-cuts-focused megabill.
While that legislation could theoretically tackle some cost-of-living issues, Johnson didn’t offer any specific policies that would be included or a timeline for passing it, according to four people in the room granted anonymity to describe the private meeting. Some senior Republicans present at the meetings privately warned they don’t have much time left for such a big legislative lift.
Rep. Andy Harris (R-Md.), chair of the hard-line House Freedom Caucus, said he awaited party leaders’ ideas for a second megabill, which would be passed through the party line reconciliation process. But he was candid about the GOP’s limited legislative options before November.
“The bottom line is that inflation is stable, gas prices are going to come down once the Iran conflict is over, we’ll deal with housing in some way,” he said. “I mean, the American people will see the stability in inflation. They’ll see the stability in energy and gas prices. And, you know, that’s probably all we’re going to be able to do before the midterms.”
The GOP’s inability to coalesce behind an election year economic agenda is being driven in no small part by President Donald Trump, who opened the retreat by telling House Republicans their “No. 1 priority” should be passing an GOP overhaul of federal elections, with new restrictions on transgender rights tacked on.
Trump all but dismissed the affordability issue, noting at one point that Americans “don’t talk about housing, they don’t talk about anything” except for the SAVE America Act — the elections bill he’s pushing the House to pass a third time.
Asked about the divide between voters’ top priority and the president’s, Rep. Lisa McClain of Michigan said, “I don’t think it’s an ‘or.’ I think it’s an ‘and.’”
“When you look at economic issues, that is really what is important to a lot of Americans,” said McClain, the No. 4 Republican leader. “It’s pocketbook issues, right? So it’s an ‘and’ not an ‘or.’”
Trump’s obsession with the elections bill — and Johnson’s determination to pursue a reconciliation bill despite long odds — leaving Republicans with a tough task in addressing rising prices on everyday goods, which remain an issue of top concern to voters.
Even the new pressure on energy prices from Trump’s decision to join Israel in launching a war on Iran has yet to spur GOP lawmakers into action. Most, like Harris, simply asserted oil prices would come down soon enough.
Pressed on affordability issues, Rep. Marlin Stutzman (R-Ind.) raised the ongoing shutdown of the Department of Homeland Security, noting it’s “disrupting travel” and “people’s lives,” as he also made the case for the Trump-backed elections bill.
“Especially coming into the election, the SAVE America Act is a top priority, as well,” he said. “But … pocketbook issues are what drives people to the polls. So we need to do both at once, focus on affordability, but focus on the integrity of the election.”
The chair of the House GOP campaign committee, Rep. Richard Hudson of North Carolina, tried to square the two demands as he left the retreat Wednesday. Like other leaders, he raised last year’s tax cuts and other bills the Republican-controlled Congress passed last year, arguing candidates have “lots of wins to talk about.”
“Our entire focus as House Republicans is on average, everyday American working families,” Hudson said in an interview. “We’ve delivered tax relief, a lot of other things they care about — school choice, upgraded the air traffic control system.”
Asked if there’s more Republicans could do to lower prices, Hudson said, “Sure.”
“Lots of other things we’d like to do,” he added. “We just have to figure out if we’ve got the votes.”
House Appropriations Chair Tom Cole (R-Okla.) was among several lawmakers who pointed to pending housing legislation as a major opportunity to address rising prices in a key sector.
“I think there’s a program there that we can certainly advance,” Cole said in an interview, mentioning the possibility of energy and transportation bills as well.
But the housing bill is facing a rocky path out of Congress, despite broad bipartisan support. While a version is expected to pass the Senate as soon as this week, it now faces hurdles in the House after Harris and other members of the Freedom Caucus raised objections to provisions dealing with the ownership of single-family homes by large companies and a possible Federal Reserve digital currency.
Rep. Keith Self (R-Texas), for instance, said in an interview that “socialist policies” would have to be stripped out of the bill. Several invoked the involvement of progressive Sen. Elizabeth Warren of Massachusetts, the top Democrat on the Senate Banking Committee, who helped negotiate a Senate compromise.
“It’s not as conservative a product as the House bill was,” Harris said.
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